Claim: President Ferdinand Marcos stopped the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) in 1979 through Letter of Instruction No. 957, series of 1979.
Rating: MISSING CONTEXT
The facts: President Marcos temporarily suspended the construction of the BNPP through Letter of Instruction No. 957. However, he ordered the resumption of the BNPP’s construction after renegotiating the contract between the government and Westinghouse that added new regulatory safety requirements and included new safety features that the Nuclear Regulatory Commission mandated in the United States after the Three Mile Island nuclear incident.
Why we fact-checked this: The post with this claim has over 1,400 reactions, 1,100 comments, and 1,200 views on Facebook, as of writing.
Complete details
A post saying that former President Ferdinand Marcos stopped the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) is circulating on Facebook and is shared by multiple Facebook users.
The posts of the claim show an alleged letter of instruction given by Marcos to the ministers of justice, finance, and energy, and the Solicitor General.
The letter, titled “Letter of Instruction No. 957, s. 1979,” said that the BNPP was not safe and was a potential hazard to the health and safety of the public.
The letter also said that the construction of the BNPP was not possible unless Westinghouse, the contractor which built the plant, introduced fundamental changes to ensure the safety of the public.
The letter has been shared by multiple Facebook users, who say it was Marcos who actually stopped the construction of the power plant and not his successor, the late president Corazon Aquino.
This claim is missing context.
While it is true that Marcos suspended the construction of the BNPP through Letter of Instruction No. 957, s. 1979, it was only a temporary suspension meant to update the terms and conditions of the contract entered into by Westinghouse and the Philippine government. Marcos ordered the suspension months after the Three Mile Island nuclear accident in the United States.
Marcos demanded in the letter that Westinghouse should make “fundamental changes in design and adapts additional, adequate and acceptable safeguards to ensure its safety and protect the health of the public.”
He also ordered the “immediate termination and/or renegotiation of the contract” in the said letter.
Westinghouse completed the BNPP in 1983. According to a 1986 CNN article, International Atomic Energy Agency adviser William Albert said that, although not “hopelessly flawed,” it would cost the Philippines millions of dollars to put the power plant in operation.
Albert cited BNPP’s badly welded hanger system, misaligned couplings in the power plant’s cooling tower fan, and badly installed safety plates as major problems of the BNPP that needed to be fixed.
The Philippines still pays P40 million to P50 million yearly for the maintenance cost of the BNPP. Plans to revive the BNPP resurfaced after Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son and namesake of the late strongman who built the power plant, won the presidential race in the 2022 elections. – Lorenz Pasion/Rappler.com
MANILA, Philippines – Picture this: election day is over, the votes have been counted, and the public has decided which leaders deserve a clear mandate, and which ones should be denied an elective seat in government.
But entry in the House of Representatives becomes more and more a free-for-all if politicians play their cards right. A weak spot in the Philippines’ party-list law basically allows an aspiring lawmaker to be part of the chamber even if their name was not originally among the top nominees of a party-list organization, or was not even among the nominees.
At least two poll watchdogs believe this practice is the latest attempt by interest groups to abuse the system.
Beyond the deadline, beyond elections
For the 2022 elections, the poll body set November 15, 2021, as the deadline for the substitution of party-list nominees who withdrew from the race, based on Comelec Resolution No. 10717. Beyond this date, substitutions shall only be allowed if the “list of nominees originally submitted has been exhausted due to death and/or incapacity of the nominees.”
The deadline set by the Comelec, however, would turn out to be evadable.
Based on Comelec confirmations and statements of politicians, there have been at least three party-list groups which made changes to their list of nominees after the substitution deadline, two of which were already approved by the commission.
They are:
Here’s the timeline at a glance:
October 1 to 8, 2021: The Comelec held a week-long filing of certificates of candidacy and nomination for political aspirants and party-list groups.
November 15, 2021: The substitution deadline lapsed.
April 29, 2022: Sagip submitted its revised list of nominees to the Comelec.
May 9, 2022: The Philippines held its national elections.
May 25, 2022: The Comelec, sitting as NBOC, completed the canvassing of votes for the party-list race. The Comelec approved the substitution bids of Sagip.
May 26, 2022: The Comelec proclaimed the winning party-list groups. Agimat’s Bryan Revilla disclosed he is now the first nominee of the group after the first four nominees backed out.
June 14, 2022: P3PWD submitted to the Comelec its new set of nominees.
June 15, 2022: The Comelec approved the substitution bids of P3PWD.
June 17, 2022: P3PWD finished complying with requirement to publish the new list of nominees in two national newspapers, the Comelec said.
Rappler tried to obtain from the Comelec a full list of party-list groups that submitted withdrawal and substitution papers after the said deadline, as well as copies of the said documents, but the Office of the Executive Director denied our request. In a June 17 letter, the commission said the request was “not necessary” and “failed to satisfy the general data privacy principle of transparency prescribed under Section 11…of the Data Privacy Act of 2012.”
We do know, however, from documents seen by Rappler, that P3PWD’s original nominees cited a range of personal reasons in their resignation letters. None of them died or were incapacitated.
Rappler reached out to Guanzon, Marcoleta, and Revilla, but they have yet to reply. This article will be updated once they do.
Comelec’s reason
In justifying its decision to allow the changes in the groups’ list of nominees beyond the deadline, the Comelec cited provisions of the Republic Act 7941 or the Party-List System Act.
“Unless there is a clarificatory amendment to RA 7941, particularly on Sections 8 and 16, this would be the rule to be followed by the commission in similar cases,” Comelec spokesman Rex Laudiangco said on June 15.
Section 8 of RA 7941 says that a party-list group shall submit its list of nominees “not later than 45 days before the election,” but adds that a change of names is allowed in cases where the nominee withdraws in writing.
Section 16, meanwhile, allows groups to “submit additional nominees” if the original list is exhausted.
Party-list organizations are allowed to submit up to five names when they file for accreditation for the polls.
“This is not the first time that this issue happened, with ‘all’ nominees withdrawing the acceptance of their nominations after the close of polls. In all instances, the ruling of the commission had been consistent,” Laudiangco explained, citing supposed cases of Anak Mindanao, Acts OFW, and Duterte Youth in past polls.
Substitution method in the spotlight
Regardless of which group set the precedent, Duterte Youth’s case, perhaps, was the first high-profile substitution bid in the party-list sector. In 2019, National Youth Commission Chairman Ronald Cardema tried to replace his wife Ducielle as the group’s first nominee in a Comelec filing a day before the May 13 elections.
Cardema then faced a legal challenge, and in August, the Comelec division which Guanzon was part of denied his substitution bid. The feisty Guanzon wrote that the substitution of five nominees on the eve of the polls had the “clear intent of depriving the electorate the opportunity to be informed and to examine the qualifications and credentials of the nominees.”
Wife Ducielle was eventually proclaimed congresswoman after the Comelec approved a new list of Duterte Youth nominees, which put her name back on top.
Foggy explanations in the past
In past statements before the post-election substitution brouhaha blew up, it was apparent that the Comelec was unable to thoroughly explain the rules governing substitutions of party-list groups beyond the deadline it set.
In February, former Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA) assistant secretary Celine Pialago said that she was seeking to be a substitute nominee of Frontliners ang Bida, after the Comelec barred her original group, Malasakit Movement, from participating in the 2022 party-list election.
Rappler at the time asked then-Comelec spokesman James Jimenez whether Pialago and her new party-list group were covered by the substitution deadline imposed under Comelec Resolution No. 10717. His reply was, “They are not exempted.”
On May 15, Rappler also asked current Comelec spokesman Rex Laudiangco about rules on substitution in the wake of Guanzon’s posturing on social media as incoming congresswoman despite not being a listed nominee of P3PWD. Laudiangco used Comelec Resolution No. 10717 in his explanation, not RA 7941.
“It’s not as simple as the rules have stated. For [voluntary] withdrawal, we have a period. The one which does not have a period beyond November 15 [is withdrawal] due to death or incapacity. In both instances, there will be determination of validity and just cause. This will be the subject of a hearing, to see if there is a valid ground to grant the substitution,” Laudiangco had said in general terms.
A can of worms
Election watchdog Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) acknowledged that the substitution option has been abused more and more frequently by political figures, especially in the 2022 election cycle. But it stopped short of calling a “loophole” the provisions in the Party-List Act that allow alteration in the groups’ list of nominees at any point.
“The votes received by a party-list group will be wasted if we will not allow them to submit a new list of nominees,” Lente executive director Ona Caritos told Rappler on Monday, June 20. “It is not a loophole per se, it is a provision being used right now by personalities to enter Congress.”
For Kontra Daya, a group that has done numerous research on the party list, only the rich and the powerful stand to gain from the substitution attempts after the Comelec’s imposed deadline and post-elections.
“[P]arty-list groups can put placeholders as their party-list nominees, and then just substitute them with the ‘real’ nominees if and when they get seats in the House of Representatives,” Kontra Daya convenor Danilo Arao told Rappler on Monday.
“This would make it harder for election watchdogs like us to study the nature and orientation of all party-list groups as they can keep their real nominees under wraps. For example, groups identified with political clans and big businesses can be hidden by putting seemingly ‘harmless’ nominees during the campaign period as the familiar surnames will emerge only when their groups win,” he added.
A story by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism in February said that, out of 177 Comelec-accredited party-list groups, 70 had nominees “connected to political clans or incumbent local or national elected officials.” A similar research by Kontra Daya released in March put the number of party-list groups with ties to political clans and big business at 122.
The party list is a system of proportional representation introduced in the 1987 Constitution, but the first ever election using it was conducted only in 1998. In between, the president was allowed to appoint sectoral representatives, with the view that they would strengthen their sectors’ voters’ base so they could slug it out with political and regional parties in the elections. The Supreme Court upheld this nature of the party list in a 2013 ruling, setting aside earlier interpretations that the system was reserved for the marginalized and that nominees needed to represent the marginalized.
Call for amendments
Kontra Daya said that in the long term, Congress should initiate amendments to the party-list law.
A cursory search, however, shows that multiple bills seeking to amend RA 7941 in past Congresses shared the same fate: they all languished.
Lente floated the possibility of stringent requirements for party-list nominees to protect the system from further hijacking.
“One amendment we can look at is, before someone becomes the nominee, he or she should be a member of the party-list group for at least six months,” Caritos said.
For now, Kontra Daya’s Arao said the Comelec should make an effort to be more transparent about changes in groups’ list of nominees.
“The Comelec should disclose to the public all winning party-list groups that filed for withdrawals and substitutions. The public deserves to know if there are more than three that have done so,” he said.
The ball is in the Comelec’s court. When the poll body on May 25 approved Marcoleta’s substitution bid, which he filed on April 29, the Comelec disclosed it to the media only on June 17.
Asked why such a belated announcement, Comelec’s Laudiangco said, “If you will notice, there is no requirement for an announcement in all party-list changes.”
“What the law requires is the publication of new list of nominees in two newspapers of nationwide general circulation, and that is already full compliance with the requirements of law,” he added.
Laudiangco on Tuesday, June 21, said P3PWD already complied with the publication requirement, while he would have to still check whether Sagip did the same. – Rappler.com
Ang sabi-sabi: Nasibak si Regine Velasquez bilang host ng morning talk show sa Kapamilya Channel na Magandang Buhay.
Marka: HINDI TOTOO. Sumasang-ayon ang Rappler sa markang “Hindi Totoo” na nauna nang ibinigay ng OneNews sa kanilang fact check sa sabi-sabing ito.
Ang katotohanan: Pansamantala lamang nawala ang mang-aawit at aktres sa naturang morning talk show dahil kinailangan niyang maghanda sa katatapos lang na konsiyerto nila ni Sharon Cuneta noong Hunyo 17 at 18.
Bakit kailangang i-fact-check: Ang naturang kasinungalingan ay ipinaskil sa ilang social media sites, at pilit binibigyan ng malisyoso’t politikal na kahulugan. Umani na ng 1,800,000 views sa Facebook ang naturang video nang isinulat ang fact check na ito.
Mga detalye
Sa isang malisyosong paskil ng “Top Artist Scoop” sa Facebook, idiniin ang umano’y pagkasibak ni Regine Velasquez mula sa Kapamilya morning talk show na Magandang Buhay. Ayon dito, maaaring nasibak si Velasquez sa trabaho dahil sa pagiging palpak nito bilang guest co-host.
Mababasa rin sa caption ng nasabing video, na ngayon ay umani na ng mahigit isang milyong views, ang katagang, “Nakarma na! Regine Velasquez Sinibak sa Magandang Buhay Nagresulta na ang Pagmaliit kay BBM!”
Hindi totoong nasibak si Regine Velasquez sa trabaho.
Sa opisyal na Instagram ng Magandang Buhay, inanusiyo ang pansamantalang pagkawala ng mang-aawit at aktres sa programa upang makapaghanda sa konsiyerto nito kasama si Sharon Cuneta noong Hunyo 17 at 18.
Sa ngayon, humahalili ang aktres na si Judy Ann Santos bilang guest co-host ng Magandang Buhay.
Nitong nagdaang eleksiyon, nangampanya si Velasquez at ang kabiyak nitong singer na si Ogie Alcasid para kay Bise Presidente Leni Robredo – dahilan upang atakihin ang mang-aawit ng ilang trolls. – Rochel Ellen Bernido/Rappler.com
Kung may nakikita kang kahina-hinalang Facebook pages, groups, accounts, websites, artikulo, o mga larawan sa iyong network, i-send ang mga ito sa factcheck@rappler.com. Maaari ring magsumite ng mga sabi-sabi sa #FactsFirstPH tipline. Ipadala lang ang mga ito bilang message sa Facebook ng Rappler, bilang direct message sa Twitter ng Newsbreak, o bilang message sa aming Viber fact check chatbot. Sa bawat fact check, labanan natin ang pagkalat ng mali o mapanlinlang na impormasyon.
MANILA, Philippines – The content of majority of the websites blocked by the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) in the Philippines raises questions about the basis – and goal – of the latest move by the Duterte administration.
A look at the list in the June 6, 2022 order of National Security Adviser Hermogenes Esperon Jr. shows that while there are websites that are explicitly linked to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the National Democratic Front (NDF), the majority do not fall under this category.
At least two are alternative media outlets based in the Philippines while several websites are linked to long-time progressive groups in the country. The list even includes at least four websites run by foreign-based organizations or individuals focused on a broad range of issues affecting not just the Philippines, but several countries.
Bulatlat, Pinoy Weekly: Highlighting marginalized groups
The Philippine-based alternative media outlets blocked by NTC include Bulatlat and Pinoy Weekly.
Bulatlat, one of the leading alternative media outlets in the country, was established in 2001 as a response to the “blatant corruption by those who claimed to work for the interests of the Filipino people” in the aftermath of the Estrada administration.
Over the years it has published stories on pressing human rights issues in the Philippines, including land reform, indigenous peoples’ rights, and migrant welfare, among others, and have earned them several awards over the years. The outlet was a three-time finalist for the Jaime V. Ongpin Awards for Excellence in Journalism.
Bulatlat’s approach to stories is aligned with its goal to contribute to the “fight for truth and justice, freedom, against all forms of oppressions, and against abuse and misuse of power by the country’s top political leaders,” according to its website.
“For the past 21 years, Bulatlat has been committed to shedding light on issues that affect the marginalized and the oppressed,” the group said in a statement.
“These stories are often underreported or ignored by the dominant media mainly due to their owners’ economic and political interests,” it added.
In the past month, the news outlet released stories on the incoming Marcos presidency, the rising fuel prices and their impact on public utility vehicle drivers, and the plight of the farmers arrested in Hacienda Tinang in Tarlac, among others.
Pinoy Weekly, meanwhile, is an alternative newsmagazine that also publishes stories highlighting issues and perspectives of vulnerable sectors in the country. It was established as a print magazine in 2002 and eventually started its own website in 2008.
Aside from text stories, Pinoy Weekly also produces video explainers on issues that dominate the news cycle. The most recent episode of ALAB, or Alternatibong Balita, tackled the transportation crisis faced by both commuters and drivers, and the arrests of activists in the Philippines.
PinoyMedia Center, the publisher of Pinoy Weekly, tagged the move by NTC and Esperon as an “outright violation” of freedom of the press and expression, as well as an affront to the people’s right to information amid rampant disinformation in the country.
“Our mission to provide the public with alternative views on issues concerning the marginalized sectors will be hampered with such issuance,” it said in a statement.
Both Bulatlat and Pinoy Weekly have been subjected to Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks in recent years, especially in 2021, that sought to take down their respective websites. Sweden-based digital forensics nonprofit Qurium Media, in its report, said it found links to the Department of Science and Technology and the military in the DDoS attacks against Bulatlat.
FIGHT. Pamalakaya leads protest movement in Cavite. Photo from PAMALAKAYA-Pilipinas FB
Latest attacks vs progressive groups
Other websites blocked by NTC are owned by progressive groups that have long been the target of threats, harassment, and legal actions by the Duterte administration under the guise of its anti-insurgency campaign.
BAYAN, one of the country’s veteran progressive groups, has consistently been red-tagged by Duterte and his allies. Its secretary-general Renato Reyes says the latest orders “show how arbitrary the use of terrorist-labelling and red-tagging have become.”
“No due process, no evidence, guilt by association,” he said on Twitter.
Save our Schools Network is a coalition composed of groups advocating for welfare of children and their right to education, including the establishment of alternative schools for the Lumad. The SOS Network also recorded attacks against Lumad schools under the Duterte administration, especially in the aftermath of threats from the President himself.
Pamalakaya, meanwhile, is a group that has extensively documented the plight of fisherfolk, who belong to one of the poorest sectors in the Philippines. In recent years, it has called on the government to respond appropriately against reported harassment of Filipinos by Chinese fishing vessels.
The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines (RMP) is a church-based national organization and counts priests and lay persons as members. It was created in 1969 and has since worked to empower farmers, fisherfolk, and indigenous peoples. RMP is one of the mission partners of the Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines, one of the groups that filed a petition against the anti-terror law before the Supreme Court.
AMIHAN women, a federation of peasant women organizations, called out the Duterte government for its misplaced priorities amid more pressing issues Filipinos are facing.
“Nakakagalit na sa panahon ng krisis sa pagkain, halos linggo-linggong pagtaas ng presyo ng gasolina at pagtaas ng presyo ng mga pangunahing bilihin, pinili ng gobyernong ito na supilin ang mga organisasyong nananawagan ng kagyat at kongkretong tugon sa umiiral na sosyo-ekonomikong krisis,” Amihan national chairperson Zenaida Soriano said in a statement.
(It’s frustrating that at a time when there is a food crisis and almost weekly rising prices of fuel and food, the government chose to further repress organizations that call for concrete actions to help the country face this socioeconomic crisis.)
Foreign-focused? Defunct?
What is also surprising about the list of websites ordered blocked by Esperon is the inclusion of at least four that are linked to foreign-based organizations that do not just release publications specific to the Philippines, but a broad range of topics. These are Counter Punch, International Action Center, Monthly Review, and People’s March.
Counter Punch describes itself as a publisher of articles with “an independent left-leaning perspective.” An archived version of its About Us page shows that it is based in California, United States, and has “published newsletter and magazine from 1993 to 2020.”
Monthly Review, meanwhile, is based in New York, also in the US, and has been in circulation since 1949. Its website states that it is an “independent socialist magazine,” that has ever since “spoken for a critical but spirited socialism, independent of any political organization.”
“In an era of Cold War repression, the magazine published pioneering analyses of political economy, imperialism, and Third World struggles, drawing on the rich legacy of Marxist thought without being bound to any narrow view or party line,” the website’s About page says.
One of its first published articles, in fact, was written by scientist Albert Einstein. It also published articles by socialist professor and former vice presidential candidate Walden Bello, and other Filipino scholars.
The International Action Center, established in 1992, describes itself as an “anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist” grassroots organization in the US. A sidebar in its website shows that it focuses on “information, activism & resistance to [US] militarism, war & corporate greed, linking with struggles against racism & oppression within the [US].”
People’s March, meanwhile, appears to be owned by a group based in Kerala, India that claims to be the “voice of the Indian Revolution.” A look at its website shows that it may have long been inactive. Its last post was published in 2008, or 14 years ago.
The content of these websites, especially those linked to organizations clearly not designated as terrorists by the government's anti-terror council, begs not just the question about the basis of the move, but also its objective.
Human Rights Watch deputy Asia director Phil Robertson said the latest move by the Duterte government "is nothing less than a brazen attempt to undermine...and censor media outlets and groups."
"What’s astonishing is how easily the government escalates its defamatory rhetoric, moving from red-tagging them to classifying them as terrorists, in effect terrorist-tagging them," he said.
"But the bottom line is the [Duterte administration] has offered no solid evidence whatsoever to back up its claims that these groups work with the communists, let alone are preparing to bear arms against the government," it added. – Rappler.com
Claim: A video shows a tunnel boring machine digging for the Metro Manila Subway project.
Rating: FALSE
The facts: The video clip is from a timelapse footage of the construction of the Airport Link in Australia taken in 2012.
Why we fact-checked this: The post with this claim has over 6,152 reactions and 131,200 views on TikTok, as of writing.
Complete details
A video posted by TikTok user “@88jonathan2” shows a video clip of a tunnel boring machine alleged to be from the Metro Manila Subway.
The post has a caption that says, “Subway in Metro M.”
The post with this claim has over 6,152 reactions and 131,200 views on TikTok, as of writing.
The claim is false.
The video is from a timelapse video of the Airport Link in Australia posted on YouTube in 2012. The actual clips used in the TikTok video can be seen at the 0:12 timestamp of the YouTube video.
According to Brisbane Times, the Airport Link is Australia’s longest road tunnel at 6.7 kilometers. The project costs $4.8 billion and was completed in July 2012.
The tunnel boring machines used in the construction of the Airport Link in Australia were manufactured by German company Herrenknecht. The tunnel boring machines were first used in the Airport Link in July 2010.
The Metro Manila Subway is a project under Duterte’s Build Build Build Program and its construction started in February 2019. The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) is set to fund 76% of the project.
The first tunnel boring machine for the Metro Manila Subway arrived in February 2021. According to JICA, underground work for the Metro Manila Subway began after the first tunnel boring machine was lowered to the construction site in June 2022.
The tunnel boring machines that are used in the construction of the Metro Manila Subway are manufactured by Japanese company JIM Technology Corporation based in Tsurumi, Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan.
JICA estimates that the Metro Manila Subway will reduce the travel time between Valenzuela City and Ninoy Aquino International Airport from “one hour and 10 minutes to just 35 minutes.” – Lorenz Pasion/Rappler.com
Sa dokumentaryong ito, sinundan ng Rappler reporter na si Rambo Talabong ang mga vlogger pagkatapos na manalo ni Marcos sa halalan.
Pinagkakakitaan ng mga vlogger ang pagpapalaganap ng mga maling impormasyon tungkol sa mga Marcos sa YouTube. Karamihan sa kanila, mga taong mula sa hirap na nais lamang maghanapbuhay pagkatapos na mawalan ng trabaho sa panahon ng pandemya.
Marami sa kanila ang nagpapakalat ng maling impormasyon base lamang sa sabi-sabi ng matatanda at kanilang iniidolong diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos.
Hindi sapat ang ginagawa ng YouTube para mapigilan sila sa pagpapakalat ng maling impormasyon, ayon sa mga eksperto.
MANILA, Philippines – In an ideal world, every Filipino would have access to a test, a clinic, and a doctor if they were sick. Feeling a little bit like you could have COVID-19? Reach for that antigen test or head over to a testing site with affordable prices and timely results. Sick with the virus? Go to the nearest primary care provider. In need of more advanced care? You’ll have your doctor, who can manage your treatment and refer you to the right hospital, while recovery won’t burn a hole in your pocket.
In a more realistic world, though, things aren’t so straightforward. Experience symptoms and you’re lucky if you can leave work to get a test, and afford it. Actually sick with COVID-19 and it’ll be a plus if you had a primary care center near your home. In need of professional care, most Filipinos will reflexively make their way to a hospital – where a bed may or may not be available, depending on when you ask. Once it’s time to pay, that’s another challenge altogether.
For anyone who could get COVID-19 or any other disease (and that’s anyone, really), the situation is untenable. And yet, over two years into a pandemic, one of the biggest health crises ever to hit the country, this is what it is like in the Philippines.
More deaths than normal
To grasp the toll of COVID-19 in the Philippines, John Wong, an epidemiologist and co-founder of public health research firm EpiMetrics, prefers to consider excess mortality. The figure tries to account not only for deaths that occurred due to the virus, but also those that took place “either because of COVID or because of our response to COVID.” It also includes deaths that did not occur but would have occurred in more “normal” times, like those due to air pollution.
In tracking excess deaths, we’re able to estimate for these varying deaths to see how many people died in a particular place during a particular period, compared to how many would have died if a particular circumstance, like a pandemic, didn’t occur at all.
Although the official COVID-19 death tally in the Philippines is at nearly 60,500 as of June 20, 2022, the Philippine Statistics Authority reported excess deaths of at least 43,782 from 2020 to 2021. This means nearly 44,000 more Filipinos died on an annual basis in 2020 to 2021 compared to the average annual number of deaths in the previous five years.
That figure would place the country “somewhere in the middle,” according to Wong. Not the best, but not the worst either, among middle-income countries.
But a glimpse of the absolute numbers alone should be enough to invoke pause.
“For public health, it’s the absolute number which is important. The proportion may be small because we’re a big population, but deaths are deaths, right?” Wong said. “[For] every death, there’s a family that survives it.”
While it is now well-known that COVID-19 is deadly, the virus also bore a hidden toll beyond it. People who needed consultation or care for other diseases, but were too afraid to seek care for fear of catching the virus, saw their health worsen. Those who did muster the courage to go to health centers were many times turned away because of limited capacity. There were also those who were sick with COVID-19 and would’ve otherwise had a mild bout of the disease, but unknowingly had a comorbidity that complicated the way the virus behaved in their body.
“I would say all three of them, in some way or another, was related also to how we responded to COVID. It could be inadequate primary care, hospital beds, and critical beds preceding the pandemic. Or it could be the fear generated by the pandemic,” Wong said.
These absolute deaths, then, are reflective of crucial failures seen in the country’s response to COVID-19 and the will to build up its health system to care for all Filipinos. While inequities and vulnerabilities lingered from one administration to the next, the Duterte administration likewise missed an opportunity for change that comes with a life-altering pandemic.
Persistent shortcoming
At every surge the Philippines faced, the shortcomings of the nation’s strategy manifested, and with it inequities persisted. With a new administration set to take office on June 30, how COVID-19 will look like in the country depends on whether these gaps are filled, or ignored.
Experts we spoke to agreed that chief among lapses was the country’s ability to test for the virus. Now, as the country appears to once again be at the start of a new spike in cases driven by more contagious forms of Omicron, just how big a wave we may be in is difficult to determine.
With testing is highly dependent on demand and access – or the lack of it – “for the most part of the pandemic we really haven’t been able to follow the different amount of cases, said Josh San Pedro, a community physician and a co-convenor of the Coalition for People’s Right to Health.
ACCESSING TESTS. Hundreds queue at the out-patient section of the San Lazaro Hospital in Manila to avail of free COVID-19 swab tests, on January 11, 2022.
To build capacity then, we’ll need to keep tabs on infections in ways that don’t wholly depend on who can afford and seek out tests. “Are people being tested because they can pay for it? Are people being tested because there is demand for it? Or is there really a fixed amount [of tests] that our surveillance units are doing to ensure that we’re properly monitoring the situation?” San Pedro posed.
Rontgene Solante, an infectious disease specialist at San Lazaro Hospital, agreed: “Part of the healthcare infrastructure is to equip these health facilities with good laboratories so that we don’t need to spend out of our pockets for lab tests. These should be shouldered by the government because we’re in a pandemic.”
Right now, testing to this scale may feel far-fetched. While surveillance systems for other infectious diseases like the flu also existed before the pandemic, the Duterte government was unable to scale them fast enough to handle the deluge in cases.
“For COVID-19, even at the peak for capacity, some provinces still did not have access,” Wong said.
Setting up this capability to test at least at the level of provinces would help not only with COVID-19, but other diseases, too. The Philippines has been able to mount pretty extensive surveillance networks in the past. An example of this would be testing for tuberculosis, which is the country’s most mature health program. RT-PCR testing for the disease can be done at the regional, provincial, city, and, in some cases, even municipal levels.
Granted, tuberculosis programs in the Philippines have existed for nearly a century, but with COVID-19 here forever, it pays to take the long view. Once people are able to test and a better picture of infections is gained, strategies to respond can stay in lock-step with the virus.
Gamble with virus
Coupled with testing is the ability to get treated afterwards, if necessary. Until today, it would be difficult for all Filipinos to receive advanced care if a surge were to occur again or a variant pops up and thwarts the immunity we’ve built.
With expanded primary care under the Universal Health Care (UHC) Law yet to be fully implemented, hospital capacity for both regular and critical care remain limited. As a result, Filipinos had unequal access to necessary care that could mean life or death.
Steps were taken to increase bed capacity over the past two years, but mostly on the regional level. In many provinces, dedicated beds for critical care, for instance, remain lacking.
“Can you imagine you have a critical care patient and then from a certain province you have to rush him all the way to the regional center rather than to the capitol?” Wong said. “There was a lot of money going around during the pandemic, we should have spent some of it building up critical care capacities at least within provincial levels or within city levels.”
FULL CAPACITY. A ‘full capacity’ sign is seen at the ER and COVID-19 ward of Ospital ng Imus in Malagasang, Imus, Cavite on September 20, 2021.
According to the Commission on Population and Development, it was during the pandemic that the Philippines saw the largest number of deaths in a single year since World War II. In some cases, people died from conditions that would otherwise been manageable had they gotten treated earlier.
“Even if they weren’t emergency cases to begin with, they become emergency cases because of the lack of access, the lack of continuity or continuous care for these patients,” San Pedro said.
This won’t be a problem just for COVID-19, but other possible pandemics in the future. Until health systems are strengthened to provide people with the care they need from communities up to more advanced care, the country takes a gamble every time cases swell or new, more formidable form of viruses emerge.
‘To those with a lot, give more’
Along with the failure to address inequities and vulnerabilities exposed by the pandemic, the health crisis showed another grave shortcoming: how, oftentimes, people were valued for their productivity above much else.
In the early days of the health crisis, society identified who “essential workers” were, and they were people working in hospitals, supermarkets, deliveries, and other service industries. In other words, people who couldn’t afford to stay home or whose jobs required them to face risks daily. The sector was prioritized early on, but with a push to return to more “regular” times, will they be neglected once more?
Unmindful of the danger of not following physical distancing, senior citizens flock the Delpan Sports Complex in Tondo, Manila to collect their monthly financial aid from the Manila city hall on September 27, 2021. Rappler
“The pandemic hasn’t ended, but now during regular times, suddenly they’re no longer essential. When they ask for pay increases…it is not prioritized,” Wong said. Health workers have likewise called out the government for promised benefits that remain out of reach, two years beyond the start of the crisis.
The same goes with transportation and places of work – workers are asked to return to the office without much being done to improve ventilation or make public spaces any more safe than when COVID-19 first emerged. It’s also true for housing, education, and other social services, where reforms have yet to overtake the virus.
“A lot of these inequities preceded the pandemic but they made low income population more susceptible,” Wong said.
The same outlook was seen in the government’s vaccine rollout, where aside from high risk sectors, significant weight was placed on an area’s “economic risk” in prioritizing vaccine supplies. This has partly resulted in continued gaps in vaccination rates across the country.
“The message has always been: to those who have a lot, give more,” Wong said. “There is a focus on ‘What is your value to us?’ To productivity, rather than who needs it more.”
In many ways, this implicit message has affected public trust in the country’s response to the virus. The past years have shown that controlling a stealthy virus requires as much social cooperation as it does science-based protocols.
Carin Alejandria, a health and disaster anthropologist, spoke of the need for a “partnership” between the government and the public in dealing with the virus long-term. “On the minimum, the state could provide the necessary protection that its’ population needs,” she said.
A ‘better normal’ is still possible
Into our third year living with COVID-19, the virus’s path toward becoming endemic is clear. How we get there, though, is still largely for government and the public to decide. As much as weaknesses of our response dragged on efforts recover, keeping up with the virus has brought to the fore solutions that could offer a “better normal” with COVID-19.
For one, minimum health protocols to curb the coronavirus showed us that small actions could ripple toward more benefits. Wong pointed to data showing a decrease in mortality for tuberculosis, pneumonia, and influenza deaths because of measures like masking. Sepsis and diarrhea declined too as frequent hand washing was promoted, while transport injuries and other respiratory conditions saw drops in numbers with less traffic on roads.
“A lot of diseases we find sometimes, simple interventions could have prevented these deaths…. If this simple behavior can prevent thousands of deaths wouldn’t we want to do it?” Wong said.
The need to navigate the crisis also saw the health department put in place systems to gather insights from experts and study fast-emerging science on the virus. Solante considers it one of the strongest responses to the pandemic.
“Having that expert group, advising the government when it comes to testing, vaccination, with regards to the ability of the drugs and working with the FDA… that helped a lot,” he said. In particular, building a portfolio of vaccines to purchase, Solante added, meant vaccines were always available – although limited – for groups that needed it most, instead of waiting for Western vaccines which performed better, but would arrive much later.
“There was a lot of criticism, like why we were getting Chinese vaccines, and why not Pfizer or Moderna. It was a crucial decision for us because mRNA vaccines arrived late. We were able to save the lives of our vulnerable population and our healthcare workers,” he said.
As Duterte government had been criticized for appointing military men to the top positions of the country’s pandemic inter-agency task force, Solante considered the move to form experts’ groups “gave the direction where the government should be in.” The country now has five groups of experts tasked to guide government actions and its vaccination program.
Aside from this, technical advisers guide the health department for more strategic response. Still, decisions rest with the President.
SUPERHERO. A cosplayer dressed in Captain America costume assists a healthcare worker as he administers anti COVID-19 jab to a child at a carnival themed vaccination site in Taguig City.
Another opportunity
If we’re going to have to live with COVID-19 forever, it’s important to know that a better reality than the one we’re currently trodding through is actually possible. In deciding what kind of future with the virus is acceptable, it also pays to think of the quality of life we want.
“Should people be kept in lockdown to keep the infection rate down? Should they be allowed more access to public spaces? Can the government keep on providing subsidies to augment lockdown impacts on household economy? All these questions need be considered,” Alejandria said.
Oddly enough then, finding a way to exit the pandemic won’t mean moving on from COVID-19. It’ll entail constantly monitoring infection levels, ensuring the spaces we live in and pass through have what they need to keep us safe, and building up an arsenal of treatments to fight it.
Health Undersecretary Maria Rosario Vergeire urged the next administration to implement the UHC law “holistically” and tomove with the evidence in responding to the virus. This includes the need for the country to have its own center for infectious diseases, to strengthen health sector “in terms of heightened surveillance, established data management, research, and [a] resilient healthcare system.”
“In this pandemic, we saw how science gives as that upper hand for us to continue our policies and intervention. This is also the way we see how UHC law should be implemented moving forward,” Vergeire said in mix of English and Filipino.
All of this needs the political will to make sure that there are enough funds allocated for a robust response to the virus, as well as the agility to intervene when risks associated with the virus start to climb again.
NEXT PRESIDENT. File photo of President-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr. at the UniTeam Headquarters in Mandaluyong City on May 23, 2022.
President-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has much to gain if his government is to seriously take up controlling COVID-19. Not only would it provide an opportunity to prove his leadership, it would also quite literally, save lives. It was the pandemic, after all, that pierced President Rodrigo Duterte’s powerful propaganda machine as the health crisis spurred widespread public frustration on social media to a scale unlike other issues that have hounded his administration.
“Transitions are always opportunities to put things on the agenda so with the new administration…. There’s a political window that’s opening, so we should be ready with the solutions for problems that we’re facing,” Wong said.
At no other point in the pandemic have we been so keenly aware of what needs to be done to improve our future with COVID-19. The only thing left to do is to take up recommendations experts have raised time and again. While it is true that recovering from the pandemic – and steeling ourselves for the next one – will be a mammoth task, it’s also true that longer we wait, the steeper the cost to us all. – Rappler.com
MANILA, Philippines – Mariza Hamoy has already lost the criminal cases she filed against the police officers who killed her 17-year-old son Darwin in 2016. As President Rodrigo Duterte winds down his term, he dealt the Hamoys another blow: Malacañang absolved the station commander of Darwin’s killers from administrative charges.
“Being a public officer, Police Colonel Lito Patay has in his favor the presumption of regularity in the performance of official duties,” said Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea in a decision dated May 25.
Mariza claims Darwin was just drinking with his buddies on the night of August 15, 2016, but cops stuck to their favorite narrative of nanlaban or resisting arrest with a gun. Darwin at the time just became a statistic in a very bloody drug war where numbers have risen to an estimated 27,000, according to human rights groups. Of that number, police killed 7,000, including Darwin.
When witnesses retreated in Darwin’s case – a pattern in drug war killings – criminal charges were junked, leaving Mariza with no more recourse, at least in the country.
“The worst act that [Duterte] did against the law is the operation tokhang, 27,000 poor, defenseless Filipinos were killed, can you just imagine, in an operation supposed to enforce the law? That’s the worst thing a president can do,” said retired Supreme Court senior associate justice Antonio Carpio.
The Duterte government, through the Department of Justice (DOJ), belatedly opened a review in 2020 but the panel, as of April, has forwarded only five cases for prosecution. More than 300 were opened for reinvestigation by the National Bureau of Investigation. The old Commission on Human Rights (CHR) slammed this as a superfluous process, some believing that a dead body is already a case ripe for the courts.
Justice Secretary Menardo Guevarra said that by allowing the review, “[Duterte] agreed with the view that it was not perfect, there were deficiencies, there were abuses in the conduct of the war against illegal drugs. In fairness to him, I think he understood.”
“The failure of the justice system to stop the killing of over 27,000 defenseless, poor, helpless Filipinos, in an operation supposed to enforce the law – that is a failure, that’s the damage to our justice system,” said the former justice.
Carpio, the former member-in-charge of petitions to void the campaign against drugs, said that “the drug war was clearly unconstitutional.”
Duterte leaves with the Supreme Court packed with his appointees, and according to University of the Philippines (UP) constitutional law professor Dan Gatmaytan, “He is the only president we’ve ever had who has never lost [in the Supreme Court] in the post-Marcos era.” Gatmaytan said it when the Supreme Court mooted petitions questioning Duterte’s unilateral withdrawal from the International Criminal Court.
“Duterte is always probing the boundaries of his powers and what he can and cannot do, and unfortunately for us, the Supreme Court went along with it on a few critical cases,” said Christian Monsod, one of the framers of the 1987 Constitution.
Monsod said the Supreme Court “abdicated its power given by the Constitution” when it allowed Duterte to declare martial law over Mindanao, and extend it beyond the constitutionally-prescribed 60 days. Martial law lasted in Mindanao for two-and-a-half years.
It was retired justice Francis Jardeleza who used the term “abdication of duty” when he dissented in the decision extending martial law, a change from his previous vote favoring the very first proclamation.
Senior Associate Justice Marvic Leonen, a dissenter in all Martial Law decisions, said the Supreme Court “provided the environment that enables the rise of an emboldened authoritarian.”
In many ways, the 1987 Constitution was a reaction to the repressive rule of the late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos, father of incoming president Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., and a priority fix in the charter was to make sure martial law will not be abused again.
But what the Supreme Court did for Duterte, said Monsod, was “a bad precedent for the next administration because now martial law can be declared anywhere in the Philippines at any time, given the circumstances that allowed Duterte to extend martial law.”
We sought comment from the High Court but it has yet to respond. We will update this story once it does.
‘Impunity’
When more lawyers were being killed, the numbers rising to an unprecedented count (now at 66), the legal profession banded together to call on the Supreme Court for concrete actions. The last time that lawyers did that was during the presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo when they marched on EDSA, and law professors canceled classes so students can learn on the streets about justice.
When Duterte enacted the feared anti-terror law amid the pandemic in 2021, lawyers from left and center filed their respective petitions, making that legislation perhaps one of the most challenged in history. In the end, they lost.
That’s what makes Duterte worse than Arroyo, said Jobert Pahilga, a veteran lawyer for peasants and other grassroots organizers. What has kept Pahilga busy the last few years is defending organizers being arrested in Duterte’s war on dissent.
“Impunity is worse under the Duterte administration – even outside the war on drugs, red-tagging is done left and right, even if you are not an activist, just as long as you oppose a policy of the government, you are considered as a terrorist. This is much worse,” said Pahilga.
From July 2016 to December 2021 or within the Duterte presidency, 427 human rights defenders were killed, 2,807 arrested: 1,161 jailed and 1,367 raided, according to data from human rights group Karapatan.
“Even the President was saying he does not care about human rights. Under the Duterte administration, so many activists were killed, subjected to trumped-up cases, and the Tinang arrest is the most number of arrests so far. This prevailing culture of impunity made the situation worse,” Pahilga said.
‘No check and balance’
Still, Duterte maintained his popularity ratings until the end, prompting reflections on Filipinos’ value systems if they approve of a President who casually says on the presidential podium, “Shoot them dead.”
What usually angers Filipinos is corruption, and Duterte was supposed to be investigated for alleged undeclared wealth. But the probe never pushed through because Duterte fired the lead investigator at the Office of the Ombudsman and undermined the former ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales. He bought himself precious time until Morales reached the age of retirement in 2018.
He appointed Samuel Martires, who had just retired from the Supreme Court at the time. Under Martires, the office stopped releasing Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALNs), allowing Duterte to keep his secret since 2018.
“That means that the checks and balance system is not working well,” said Monsod.
Martires also threatened journalists with jail time if they published stories about officials’ SALNs by including what he said, was commentary. Martires also sought to withdraw some cases at the Sandiganbayan, and filed much fewer charges, saying he was concerned with quality rather than quantity.
“The Ombudsman seems to be more concerned about protecting government officials from criticism than he is of protecting the rights of the people against abuses of government. The Ombudsman is supposed to protect the people against the government and not the other way around,” said Monsod.
Rappler also reached out to the Office of the Ombudsman Public Information Bureau for a statement, but has not received a response. We will update this story once the Ombudsman responds.
The DOJ
The Department of Justice (DOJ) often came to the rescue when Duterte issued questionable legal policies – for one, providing the backbone for an arbitrary order to rehaul back to jail prisoners who had already been granted freedom.
In the tumultuous years of the Duterte government, Guevarra became the face of the government’s legal policies. When Duterte wanted to jail staunch critic Antonio Trillanes IV, it wasn’t enough that his very loyal Solicitor General Jose Calida clinched a revocation of amnesty. Guevarra’s DOJ had to scramble for ways to send Trillanes to jail without a warrant.
Not succeeding with a warrantless arrest, Guevarra and his prosecutors went to court but failed to jail Trillanes. Years of demonizing the opposition, however, cost Trillanes his senatorial bid in 2022.
The attempt to jail Trillanes would become a template for warrantless arrests mostly for people who got on the nerves of Duterte – the doctor behind a dialysis center in the PhilHealth scandal, a teacher who supposedly tweeted a reward to kill him, and quarantine violators.
Guevarra said: “There is no judicial or legal system that is perfect.”
“It’s a human creation, it’s prone to manipulation, it’s prone to corruption. By and large, I would say our justice system is working, although with certain imperfections,” said Guevarra during the Kapihan sa Manila Bay forum on June 15.
Guevarra will join the Marcos government as solicitor general, replacing Calida who used the OSG to run after perceived critics of the government.
“I intend to stick to the role of the OSG as the defender of the republic and tribune of the people,” said Guevarra.
Edre Olalia, president of National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL), is cautiously optimistic that Guevarra will be “the conscience of the administration especially on matters of human rights.” Pahilga does not harbor illusions that Marcos will be different, saying, “He will just follow Duterte.”
“Duterte put us on a slippery slope to authoritarianism,” said Monsod, adding, “we have a long way to go in getting back on track.” – with reports from Pia Ranada/Rappler.com
YouTuber Sangkay Janjan TV, or John Anthony Jaboya in real life, is among the most prominent Filipino vloggers spreading conspiracy theories on COVID-19 and the Marcos family’s legacy. He currently has over 980,000 subscribers and a total of over 141 million views across his uploads.
Jaboya’s videos have also attacked and red-tagged personalities and institutions critical of the Marcoses and Dutertes, such as Vice President Leni Robredo and news organizations.
Despite his videos that spread false claims and harmful messages, Jaboya’s YouTube channel continues to thrive, thanks to his large audience, vague YouTube policies, and a new push for vlogger access to Malacañang.
MANILA, Philippines – Vlogger Sangkay Janjan, or John Anthony Jaboya in real life, has come a long way since he created his YouTube channel in December 2017. His earlier videos showed different sides of his personality: a devout Christian, a passionate singer-songwriter, and an average Joe that ordinary folks could relate to.
Jaboya started churning out more videos around 2019, with each of his vlogs lasting a little bit over 10 minutes. He would begin by calling his viewers “mga sangkay” or “friends” in the Waray language, and he would close his videos by reminding them that Jesus loved them.
Today, Jaboya boasts of an audience of over 980,000 YouTube subscribers, and his videos combined have amassed over 141 million views, as of writing. He is also the vice president for internal affairs of a nascent group known as the United Vloggers and Influencers of the Philippines (UVIP), formed to lobby for vlogger access to Malacañang. Among UVIP’s members, Jaboya has the highest number of YouTube subscribers.
Throughout the years, his massive supporter base has praised him for creating supposedly informative videos and standing up to critics and doubters. Jaboya has mastered the art of connecting with his viewers, and he talks to his audience as if he was just chatting to a friend about current events, viral social media topics, and relevant gossip or tsismis – even if he was amplifying lies and hateful messages.
While YouTube channels or accounts can be terminated if they repeatedly violate the platform’s community guidelines, Jaboya’s channel is standing strong. YouTube also does not explicitly prohibit spreading false claims, and only removes content that targets an “identifiable individual…across several uploads” in rare cases. Jaboya has especially praised YouTube for its supposed “neutral” stance, adding that the platform is not controlled by “mga dilawan” or supporters of the Liberal Party.
Rappler reviewed Jaboya’s videos posted from December 2, 2017, until June 14, 2022, and categorized them according to the popular topics that his videos covered throughout his YouTube career. Data showed that while his YouTube videos discussed a variety of topics, significant topic clusters promoted lies and conspiracy theories while others targeted and demonized different groups and individuals.
Here are some of the prominent themes in Jaboya’s vlogs.
Amplifying conspiracy theories in times of crisis
Jaboya is notorious for spreading conspiracy theories with no evidence, especially harmful claims about COVID-19 at the height of the pandemic.
In a video from April 2020, he blamed the United Nations and the World Health Organization for the pandemic as the organizations supposedly did not send China medical support at the onset of the outbreak.
He then pointed to the agenda of the “New World Order,” a conspiracy theory which posits that a global elite is seeking world control. He also claimed that billionaire Bill Gates was seeking to develop a COVID-19 vaccine, but that it could contain the “mark of the beast.”
CONSPIRACIES. John Anthony Jaboya amplifies false claims on the coronavirus. Rappler screenshot
In the same month, Jaboya also posted a video on the Philippine-made Fabunan antiviral injection, promoting it as an antidote to COVID-19, even if it had not been approved by the Food and Drug Administration.
In May 2020, he also claimed the global elite was using 5G networks to intensify the spread of the virus in a bid to reduce the global population. This video, however, did not mention COVID-19 in the title or description, which means it was not properly labeled by YouTube. This video also violated the platform’s guidelines on COVID-19 misinformation, which explicitly prohibits claims linking the virus to 5G technology.
UNLABELED. John Anthony Jaboya’s video linking the coronavirus to 5G technology goes unnoticed. Rappler screenshot
Other conspiracy theories in his videos ranged from false claims about Philippine history, such as the lie that the late senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. sold Sabah to Malaysia, to bizarre takes on international events, such as the claim that the Illuminati was responsible for the sudden death of basketball legend Kobe Bryant.
Marcos myths now take center stage
Rappler also found that the Marcoses emerged as the most popular topic among Jaboya’s vlogs. At least 292 of his videos in the last five years focused on different members of the Marcos family and their alleged achievements.
Jaboya has been posting about the Marcoses and their supposed legacy ever since he started his channel in December 2017. On December 4 of the same year, just three days after he created his YouTube channel, he uploaded a compilation of what he called “brilliant and inspirational” quotes from the late dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos.
His most-viewed video, posted on the 35th People Power anniversary in 2021, focused on a brief clip of Marcos during the EDSA revolution that was allegedly not shown by the media. In the video, Jaboya claimed that Marcos loved the Filipino people and did not want bloodshed during EDSA, that’s why he ordered the military to “disperse the crowd without shooting them.”
This was later fact-checked by News5 due to lack of context. However, the video is still available on YouTube, and has over 2.2 million views, as of writing.
MARCOS AT EDSA. John Anthony Jaboya claims the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos did not want bloodshed during the EDSA Revolution. Rappler screenshot
Jaboya’s second most-watched video, with over 1.9 million views as of writing, claimed that the Philippines would have been better than America today if Filipinos had followed Marcos’ plans written in his book Notes on the New Society of the Philippines. He claimed that if Marcos’ plans were followed, the Philippines would have returned to the so-called “Maharlika” kingdom, but there is no proof that such a kingdom ever existed.
MAHARLIKA KINGDOM? John Anthony Jaboya flashes a map of the so-called ‘Maharlika kingdom,’ although there is no proof such a kingdom existed. Rappler screenshot
Jaboya’s number of videos about now president-elect Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. saw a drastic spike in 2021. He would post at least five videos every month that exaggerated Marcos Jr.’s achievements. This started in August 2021, the same month when Marcos said he would run for president if he had “solid support.” This was also the same month when Senator Imee Marcos said a possible tandem between her brother and Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte would be a “marriage made in heaven.”
Rappler has fact-checked claims in Jaboya’s content multiple times – he spread myths about the Marcos family’sgold and the peso-dollar exchange rate during the late dictator’s regime. He also amplified the claim that no one was abused and tortured during Martial Law.
Some of the false claims in Jaboya’s vlogs demonized the administration of Marcos’ successor Corazon Aquino. These included claims that Aquino “wasted” the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant project and that the EDSA People Power uprising led to the privatization of state-owned firms.
Critics questioned the accuracy of his claims about the Marcos family and regime, but he gamely addressed them. In a September 2020 video, he claimed history books were “biased” as they only focused on Martial Law without including Marcos’ achievements, such as his infrastructure projects. In a July 2021 video, he said that he relied on testimonies from older Filipinos who lived through Martial Law and claimed the Marcos era was peaceful.
A good fraction of Jaboya’s videos have taken an offensive approach – many of his videos have attacked figures and organizations critical of the Marcoses and Dutertes, including Vice President Leni Robredo and mainstream media outlets.
When grouped by topics, videos attacking Robredo ranks second in terms of total views, just behind videos on the Marcos family and their alleged legacy. At least 135 of Jaboya’s videos have targeted Robredo, and these vlogs have amassed over 19.5 million combined views.
Jaboya also only started targeting Robredo in 2020, and there was a significant spike in videos attacking the Vice President two years later in 2022, in the lead-up to the elections. Robredo was Marcos’ closest rival in the presidential election, and at the time she was steadily gaining widespread support from her mammoth pink rallies across the country.
His most popular anti-Robredo video slammed the Vice President for criticizing her 2022 rivals in an interview with entertainment host Boy Abunda. Jaboya pointed out that Robredo did not hesitate to criticize each of her rivals when asked why Filipinos shouldn’t vote for them, and he praised Marcos for refusing to do the same because he “[did] not believe…in negative campaigning.” The video has over 500,000 views, as of writing.
TARGETING ROBREDO. John Anthony Jaboya talks about Vice President Leni Robredo’s interview with host Boy Abunda. Rappler screenshot
In another video, which has over 480,000 views as of writing, Jaboya amplified an opinion column from The Manila Times’ Rigoberto Tiglao, who claimed, without evidence, that five “US-funded” media outlets – or “limang Satanas” (five Satans), as Jaboya put it – were campaigning for Robredo in the 2022 elections.
Jaboya has also made fun of the Aquino family, members of the Liberal Party, and other figures critical of the administration, like 2022 senatorial bet Luke Espiritu and actress Angel Locsin. He even criticized pro-Duterte blogger Mocha Uson when she slammed pro-Marcos actress Toni Gonzaga for saying Marcos Jr. would be returning to his home in Malacañang when elected president.
Jaboya has also hit several mainstream media outlets for their critical reporting on the Marcoses and the human rights abuses committed during Martial Law. In different videos, he has attacked Rappler, ABS-CBN, GMA, TV5, Philstar.com, and Inquirer. He has also praised hyperpartisan networks like SMNI and NET25 that broadcast pro-government propaganda and disinformation.
ATTACKS ON THE PRESS. John Anthony Jaboya hits different mainstream media outlets in several videos. Rappler screenshots
In his third most-watched video, with over 1.1 million views, Jaboya claimed mainstream media was unnecessarily instilling fear through COVID-19 reports. He criticized a social media graphic from Philstar.com, which emphasized the number of total COVID-19 cases reported in the country and excluded the number of active cases.
He said that unnecessarily scaring Filipinos with COVID-19 numbers would lead to anxiety, which will eventually lead to the weakening of the immune system, allowing Filipinos to become more likely to contract the virus and get hospitalized.
NANANAKOT? John Anthony Jaboya flashes a Philstar.com social media graphic, claiming it was unnecessarily scaring Filipinos about COVID-19. Rappler screenshot
When media organizations fact-checked claims in Jaboya’s videos in the past, he did not bother to issue corrections and instead posted attacks on the outlets that countered his conspiracy theories with evidence.
MAY EBIDENSIYA? John Anthony Jaboya attacks News5 for fact-checking one of his videos on the EDSA People Power revolution. Rappler screenshot
He has also red-tagged different individuals and organizations, and has sensationalized events and issues surrounding the New People’s Army (NPA) in several videos. Across multiple uploads, Jaboya has praised the anti-terror law, which critics fear will be weaponized against dissent.
Rappler fact-checked one of Jaboya’s posts claiming that retired Army Major General Jovito Palparan did not abduct two University of the Philippines students, and instead blamed the NPA for the abduction.
When Facebook took down a fake network linked to the Philippine military and police, he suggested that the social media platform was conspiring with communist terrorists, driving his point home by noting that Rappler was one of the platform’s third-party fact-checkers.
A November 2020 video amplified a claim that Rappler, ABS-CBN, and Inquirer were conspiring with communists to oust President Rodrigo Duterte.
He even attributed the rise in crimes to the 1987 Constitution ratified under the Corazon Aquino administration. He also falsely claimed that Benigno Aquino Jr., one of Marcos’ staunchest critics, had plotted with Communist Party of the Philippines founder Joma Sison to establish communism in the country.
A previous Rappler investigation found that propaganda networks enabled and even justified attacks on activists and critics by branding them as “terrorists” and exaggerating communist threats. Such red-tagging narratives, which were seeded through blogger-propagandists, put activists at risk of real-world harm. (HINDI TOTOO: Hindi banta sa buhay ang ‘red-tagging’)
SEEING RED. John Anthony Jaboya posts videos red-tagging critics and demonizing the New People’s Army. Rappler screenshots
Rappler has also reached out to YouTube for comment, but the tech company has yet to respond as of writing.
With his YouTube clout giving him nearly a million subscribers and with a political climate that empowers and legitimizes vloggers, Jaboya is showing no signs of slowing down. – with reports from Dylan Salcedo, Pauline Macaraeg, Gemma B. Mendoza, and Don Kevin Hapal/Rappler.com
DAVAO CITY, Philippines – At the Ecoland Terminal in Davao City, Nilo Lampyos, a luggage porter at the transport hub, idled beside his fellow porters just outside the gate through which buses exit.
Times have been hard since the pandemic and while travel restrictions have started to ease, he said it’s another thing that’s keeping travelers from hopping aboard: the rising price of oil. When gas prices go up, he explained, it becomes harder to transport both people and cargo – including the harvest from farms outside the city.
But while life is especially difficult now in the waning weeks of outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte’s administration, Nilo still beams with pride when he talks about his kababayan. He’s especially ecstatic about a younger Duterte’s future role in government.
“Lipay kaayo uy (Of course, I’m happy),” he said, when asked about Duterte’s daughter, Vice President-elect Sara Duterte, who had taken her oath in Davao City on June 19 – nearly two weeks before her term actually begins.
Davao City is the best, he said, and so is Duterte as president. “Tan-awa ang mga kalsada, six lanes na, four lanes na. Sa tanang Pilipinas, siya ra’y naka-nindot ug ingani (Look at the roads, they’re six or four lanes wide. Only he has been able to do that),” said Nilo, although he didn’t say which roads in particular were the most extraordinary to him.
It’s no surprise that Duterte remains popular in Davao, a city he’s governed for over 30 years. But his popularity across the country and especially in Mindanao is almost hard to fathom: 97% approval with just 1% disapproval, according to a Pulse Asia December 2021 survey.
He is, after all, the first president to come from Mindanao and the man who, for better or worse, had managed to put Mindanao and Mindanao politics in the national spotlight – perhaps for good.
Promise of peace
The idea of its very own in Malacañang no doubt enthralled Mindanao and the Bisaya-speaking parts of the Visayas. His promises, too, were just as enthralling.
In his final speech before a sweeping victory, Duterte spelled out, within the first four minutes, why (among the many reasons) he was running: centuries of injustice toward, and strife within, the southernmost islands of the Philippines, traced all the way to the time of the Spaniards.
Six years later, Duterte’s promise of peace in Muslim Mindanao was delivered, but is still work in progress.
Building on the work of presidents before, especially of his immediate predecessor’s, Duterte led the push to finally pass the Bangsamoro law, leading to the creation of the more independent Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).
Months before the 2022 elections, Duterte signed a law that moved the election of officials in the new region to 2025. The work ahead is long and daunting. Because of the COVID-19 pandemic, officials continue to play catch up in implementing government programs, including the decommissioning of Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) forces.
The work ahead is longer in Marawi City, where strategic parts of the city are still in ruin after a months-long war against ISIS sympathizers in 2017. Duterte exits his presidency with the enactment of the Marawi Compensation Act, which creates a board that will process the claims of Marawi residents whose homes and properties were damaged by the war.
President-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr., right after campaigning in Marawi City on March 31, had said that there’s “no need” to focus on Marawi rehab since Duterte was already “finishing it.” The compensation act had not been signed when Marcos Jr. made those statements.
‘Not just projects’
The clamor for representation in national politics isn’t just about optics. For Filipinos living in the poorest areas of the Philippines, it’s about getting a chance of getting a bigger piece of the pie – or any piece at all.
Ramon Beleno III, a history and political professor at the Ateneo de Davao University, put it this way: “I’ve traveled around the country for work before. In terms of infrastructure, you’ll really see the glaring difference between infrastructure in Mindanao and [other parts of the country].”
During Kusog Mindanaw, a 2021 multisectoral conference that aimed to form a Mindanao agenda for 2022, Senator Aquilino Pimentel III, erstwhile partymate of Duterte, pinpointed at last five major infrastructure projects that would benefit Mindanao the most through job creation. They are the following:
Panguil Bay Bridge project
Mindanao Railway Tagum-Davao City-Digos segment
Davao City Coastal Road Bypass Project
Davao Expressway Project
General Santos City Airport Industrial Complex or Aerotropolis
As of June 2022, none of the five projects have been completed. The Mindanao Railway, by the looks of it, will now be up to Marcos Jr to execute.
It’s this ratio of big promises to actual execution – among other things – that tempers human rights defender and Kagay-anon Carlos Conde’s view of how Duterte has served Mindanao.
“[Duterte] knows many of these gut issues in Mindanao, and he used that in the [2016] campaign. I don’t want to diminish whatever he did or not do but clearly, our region still faces a lot of problems. And that’s something [president-elect] Marcos will have to contend with. Given the history of the Marcos family in Mindanao, I’m not holding my breath,” said Conde in an interview with Rappler.
But Beleno sees it with a different lens. For the Mindanaoans he’s interacted with, “Build, Build, Build” – or infrastructure projects – is Duterte’s biggest legacy. And they’re not even talking about major ticket items.
“It’s the roads, the farm to market roads, the barangay halls, the public school buildings. It’s not the big ticket projects, but the projects that people really feel they benefit from,” he explained.
There’s also a more pessimistic way to view these projects. “[People think], ‘at least meron,’ kasi for the longest time, wala talaga (‘at least there’s something,’ because for the longest time, there was nothing).”
Mini Dutertes
But it’s culturally – in our politics and in our democracy – that Duterte’s impact is perhaps felt the most.
The 2022 polls, no doubt helped by the brand of one Rodrigo Duterte’s politics, saw political dynasties across the Philippines consolidate their power, either through the sheer number of family members elected or the breadth of their influence.
“He not only made political dynasties, warlords ‘okay’… he made them feel more important. He made them, to the eyes of the people, more important,” observed Conde.
One does not need to look beyond the top two posts for the strengthening of political dynasties: Marcos Jr.’s is the son of a former strongman, whose sister is a senator, nephew is a governor, and son is a district representative. His vice president is Duterte’s daughter, whose brothers are either mayor or district representative of Davao City.
The Uniteam Alliance, the soon-to-be ruling political bloc which Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte ran under, is mostly a coalition of old and big names in Philippine politics, many of them dynastic, too.
Coupled with Duterte rhetoric that then translates into blood on the streets, Conde said it’s a heady combination. “That’s a setback for democracy, in that sense. Now, the next time somebody comes along and says, ‘let’s start cleaning up our streets and kill people,’ it will be okay. Kahadlok uy (That’s frightening),” he added.
It’s human rights that’s gotten the biggest blow under Dutertismo.
Ironic, coming from a president from a region whose people have historically been denied their rights. “Human rights have been demonized in ways that we haven’t seen, not even during the [first] Marcos time,” said Conde.
That Duterte’s brand works – and can even help translate into an electoral win for his heir, Sara Duterte – helps solidify the idea of a Mindanao and Visayas vote. Both Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte won big in most of the Visayas, save for the bailiwicks of outgoing Vice President and losing presidential candidate Leni Robredo.
But his proof of concept is also likely going to lead to the creation of “mini Dutertes,” said Conde.
When he charmed the electorate in 2016, Duterte spoke of peace and safety, even as he vowed a “blood bath” in the name of a now-failed drug war that targeted the poor. After emphasizing his supposed Maranao roots and flexing that some of his grandchildren had Tausug roots as well, Duterte began chanting: “Allahu akbar!”
It’s a phrase that should not be feared, he said, because it’s a declaration of praise for God. “‘Wag kayong matakot kung magsabi ng ‘allahu akbar’ kasi (Do not be afraid to say ‘allahu akbar’) we praise God and when you believe in God, you do not harm your fellowmen,” he said.
After six years of power held by the south, Philippine politics now shifts to the north, or the “Solid North” as Marcos Jr. begins his term. Still, Duterte lingers both in Mindanao and the rest of the Philippines. Then, of course, there’s Sara Duterte. – Rappler.com
MANILA, Philippines – As the new government assumes office on June 30, the incoming administration of president-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr. would inherit several long-standing issues across different sectors, including the education crisis worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic.
Two days after the elections on May 11, Marcos already appointed vice president-elect Sara Duterte as the new secretary of the Department of Education (DepEd). Critics have voiced out their concerns regarding the appointment, questioning her expertise and qualifications. For them, Duterte’s vision “does not address the current crisis besetting the sector.” (READ: Groups oppose Marcos Jr.’s decision to appoint Sara Duterte as DepEd chief)
But for her supporters, Duterte would do well as DepEd chief because she served as mayor for nine years in Davao City. This position, they said, made Duterte very much involved in many projects in her hometown, which means she would be a “hands-on” leader as well as DepEd chief. Davaoeños said that social service programs got bigger funding under Duterte’s watch. (READ: Sara, the other Duterte)
To head the agency tasked to fix the country’s education system would not be an easy job. Experts have said that the country’s poor education quality was a result of decades of neglect and underinvestment.
Rappler listed the issues that Duterte needs to address as she takes on the role of education secretary as the country recovers from the disruption in education brought by the pandemic.
Open all schools for in-person classes
Over two years into the pandemic, the Philippines is among the few countries in the world whose schools have not fully opened for in-person classes. As of April 22, there have been about 25,786 schools holding in-person classes. There are an estimated 60,000 public and private schools in the country.
Data from the World Bank shows that the Philippines’ learning-adjusted years of school (LAYS) proficiency would be pushed back from 7.5 years pre-pandemic to 5.9 to 6.5 years, depending on the length of further school closures and the effectiveness of the remote learning setup.
When asked at a recent press conference if more face-to-face classes would be allowed by August or the start of school year 2022 to 2023, Duterte replied, “We are targeting that.”
Hire more teachers, aides
In a text message to Rappler, Philippine Business for Education executive director Love Basillote said that Duterte should hire more teachers and teaching aides for students to “recover from learning losses.”
The pandemic highlighted the plight of public school teachers as they struggled to attend to the learning needs of their students due to their administrative work. Lawmakers and senators earlier said that administrative work should be off-loaded from them so they could focus on teaching.
Better compensation package for teachers
In a statement on June 18, the Teachers Dignity Coalition (TDC) appealed for a better compensation package for teachers and educators both for public and private institutions. They also asked for provision of free laptops and internet services as most teachers had to dig into their own pockets to cover the costs of teaching under the remote learning setup.
For years, teachers have been leaving the country in their quest for better pay and better working conditions.
Most schools are having a hard time meeting the building requirements for in-person classes, such as having separate entrance and exit doors, and making available basic health facilities – including hand-washing facilities and school clinics.
Under the new normal, crowded classrooms are no longer allowed. The conduct of in-person classes currently imposes a ceiling of only 12 students in kindergarten, 16 students for grades 1 to 3, and 12 to 20 students for senior high school, although the DepEd said the health department had already advised them to ease physical distancing in classrooms. This doesn’t mean though that a class of 70 students would be packed again in a room.
Review K to 12 curriculum
“We want an education system that inculcates patriotism in the hearts of Filipinos and promotes peace and respect for human rights. A curriculum that will produce Filipinos who are proud of their history, culture and traditional values,” said TDC chairperson Benjo Basas.
Experts have been calling on the government to review the K to 12 curriculum to include important issues that need to be discussed, especially in this age of social media. For one, they said that media and information literacy should be taught, not only under the senior high school program, but for lower grade levels as well – because students as young as 7 years old are already attending online classes.
Filipinos have become more deeply immersed in the internet due to the pandemic, especially since almost everything, particularly classes, shifted online.
An informal Rappler survey conducted on its website showed that most of the respondents have been using social media more frequently because of the pandemic. Majority (60%) said they had been spending more than four hours on social media a day since the pandemic. Only 18% claimed to have already been spending the same amount of time on social media prior to the pandemic. The survey gathered over 33,000 responses but only those without fraudulent responses were included in the analysis (2,324 responses).
Aside from this, advocates have also been calling to bring back Philippine history classes to the core curriculum of instruction of araling panlipunan (social studies) in the high school programs. This is essential especially given the way information about Philippine history has been twisted in the last few years.
Read Rappler’s two-part series on History in Crisis:
There might be more issues in the education sector that need urgent attention. But those mentioned above already give an idea of how tough the job of the next DepEd chief would be. Will Sara Duterte be up to it and prove her critics wrong? – Rappler.com
Ang sabi-sabi: Ayon sa isang video sa Facebook, kinilala ng National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) ng Estados Unidos ang Pilipinas bilang kauna-unahang nakagawa ng liquid-propellant rocket sa mundo, sa ilalim ng diktadurya ni Ferdinand E. Marcos noong 1972.
Marka: HINDI TOTOO.
Ang katotohanan: Ang unang gumawa ng liquid-propellant rocket sa buong mundo noon pang Marso 16, 1962 ay ang Amerikanong inhenyero na si Richard Goddard. Walang katotohanan ang sabi-sabing kinilala ng NASA ang Pilipinas para sa paggawa ng kauna-unahang liquid-propellant rocket.
Bakit kailangan i-fact-check: Nang isulat ang fact check na ito, umabot sa mahigit 264,000 na views, 16,000 na mga reaksiyon, at 1,600 na shares ang post na naglalaman ng sabi-sabing ito sa Facebook.
Mga detalye
Mula Hunyo 16, kumakalat ang isang video sa Facebook na naglalaman ng sabi-sabing ang Pilipinas ang nakagawa ng kauna-unahang liquid-propellant rocket sa ilalim ng diktadurya ni Ferdinand E. Marcos noong 1972.
Ang mismong sinabi sa video na ito ay: “Matapos ng ilang pag-aaral at paggawa nito, kinilala ng National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) mula sa Estados Unidos bilang kauna-unahang liquid-propellant rocket, na maihahantulad sa unguided artillery Katyusha ng Soviet.”
Nang isulat ang fact check na ito, umabot sa mahigit 264,000 na views, 16,000 na reaksiyon, at 1,600 na shares ang post na naglalaman ng sabi-sabing ito sa Facebook.
Hindi totoo ang sabi-sabing ito.
Ang Amerikanong inhenyero na si Richard Goddard ang kauna-unahang gumawa sa buong mundo ng liquid-propellant rocket noong Marso 16, 1962 – isang dekada bago ito magawa ng Pilipinas.
Noong 1972, nilunsad ang programang “Project Santa Barbara,” kung saan pinagsikapan ng mga Pilipinong siyentipiko at miyembro ng Hukbong Pandagat sa bansa ang paggawa ng mga rocket.
Sa ilalim ng proyektong ito, matagumpay na nailunsad ang kauna-unahang liquid-propellant rocket na gawa sa Pilipinas na pinangalanan nilang “Bong Bong 11,” kaparis ng pangalan ng anak ni Marcos na si president-elect Ferdinand “BongBong” Marcos Jr.
Ngunit hindi ito ang unang nagawang liquid-propellant rocket sa kasaysayan ng mundo, kundi sa Pilipinas lamang.
Hindi pinatuloy ang programang ito at ang paggawa ng iba pang mga rocket. Walang opisyal na dokumento o ulat na nagbibigay ng dahilan kung bakit pinatigil ng gobyerno ang programang ito.
Hindi rin totoo na maaaring ikumpara sa “guided artillery Katyusha” ang rocket na ito, at wala ring katotohanan ang sabi-sabing kinilala ng NASA ang Pilipinas para sa paggawa ng kauna-unahang liquid-propellant rocket.
Kinilala ng NASA ang matagumpay na paglunsad ng rocket na nagawa ng Pilipinas noong 1972, ngunit ito lamang ang sinabi nila sa kanilang ulat: “March 12: Philippines successfully launched Bong Bong 11, its first liquid-propellant rocket. Rocket was successfully retrieved from South China Sea.”
(March 12: Matagumpay ang Pilipinas sa paglunsad ng Bong Bong 11, ang kauna-unahang liquid-propellant rocket nito. Nabawi ang rocket mula sa South China Sea.)
Hindi kinilala ng NASA ang Pilipinas bilang kauna-unahang bansang nakagawa ng liquid-propellant rocket.
Ang tinutukoy na Katyusha ay isang artilerya para sa mga rocket na ginawa ng Soviet Union noong World War II upang makapagdala ng mga pampasabog sa isang lugar nang mas madali at mas mabilis.
Hindi kagaya sa Katyusha ang rocket na nagawa ng Pilipinas, na iisang rocket lamang at hindi artilerya na ginamit bilang armas.
Basahin ang mga nagawang fact check ng Rappler katulad nito:
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MANILA, Philippines – The Commission on Audit (COA) recently flagged the National Youth Commission (NYC), now headed again by Chairperson Ronaldo Cardema, for diverting up to P2.714 million in 2021 to support the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC).
According to COA’s 2021 Annual Audit Report, made public in June 2022, these funds were intended for the training of youth leaders under the Sangguniang Kabataan Mandatory and Continuing Training Fund (SKMCTF) and rehabilitation efforts for Marawi City through Task Force Bangon Marawi (TFBM).
Cardema became officer-in-charge of the NYC in 2018, when the first chairperson appointed by President Rodrigo Duterte, singer and actor Ice Seguerra, resigned.
In August that year, Cardema, also a Duterte Youth leader during the presidential campaign, was finally appointed as chairperson and CEO. He left when he tried to get nominated for the party list, but has since been reappointed as commissioner, then chairperson.
In between, Ryan Enriquez sat as chairperson, his term also marked by complaints of mismanagement from employees.
Here’s a rundown of state auditors’ findings of NYC fund misuse under President Duterte’s appointees:
2018: COA orders NYC to refund excess pay
COA ordered the NYC to refund what it deemed were unauthorized extra compensation and excess reimbursement of meals and travel expenses incurred in 2018.
Their 2018 report flagged the youth commission for incorrect credits of compensatory time off and special day off, improper monetization of leave credit, and excessive claims of travel and meals.
2019: Huge spending, little accomplishment
Cardema’s predecessor, former chairperson Seguerra, criticized him for apparently using his position and government resources while in the NYC to campaign for Duterte Youth in the party-list race.
In COA’s report for 2019, state auditors called out the youth commission for incurring huge expenses despite having little to show for it.
The NYC spent P9.333 million out of the P10.405 million in project funds – 89.7% of the allotment – yet only completed 4 out of the 12 projected activities under their anti-drug and HIV-prevention programs.
2020: Stale checks and irresponsible spending
Around mid-2020, the National Youth Commission Employees Association (NYCEA) sent a letter of appeal to President Duterte’s office, urging him to remove chairperson Enriquez. They cited several instances of Enriquez’s alleged abuse and usurpation of authority, violation of security of tenure, and harassment. At least 120 SK and student organizations backed them.
In September that year, chairman Enriquez was blasted online for a “public service announcement” billboard on the pandemic that carried his massive photo. Netizens speculated that taxpayers’ money must have been used to produce the billboard.
Meanwhile, in COA’s 2020 report, auditors found that unreleased and uncashed checks more than six months old, totaling P291,000, were not reverted to the NYC’s cash account.
Auditors observed that NYC’s financial statements were not faithful representations of their expenses due to discrepancies, such as inventory items and Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) units totaling to P141,000 not being classified as semi-expendable items or items that cost less P15,000 despite being so.
The COA also flagged the NYC for hiring a total of 51 contract workers, and paying them a total of P8.9 million for assuming job responsibilities that were already similar to what regular employees are doing.
2021: Called out for supporting NTF-ELCAC, illegal use of Marawi funds
State auditors found that, in 2021, the NYC withdrew P652,000 from the SKMCTF to pay the salaries of three contract-of-service (COS) hires despite their jobs being unrelated to the Sangguniang Kabataan program or its purpose.
These three COS hires worked as “Presidential Staff Officers,” and were each paid around P30,000 per month.
COA found that the tasks of these hires were unrelated to the objectives of the fund outlined in RA 10742 or the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act of 2015, and were conducting activities to support the NTF-ELCAC instead.
COA concluded that the use of the SKMCTF to pay contract hires was an “irregular or illegal expenditure,” based on COA Circular No. 2012-003.
Funds amounting to P2,061,818 were also withdrawn from the Bangon Marawi Comprehensive Rehabilitation and Recovery Program (BMCRRP) to pay for the “mental and psycho-social services” of 40 youth volunteers who were hired as health care or social workers.
These services did not fall under the roles of the NYC as a member of the pandemic task force.
All activities related to health were led by the sub-committee on health and social service, headed by the Department of Health (DOH) and the Department of Social Welfare and Development.
The NYC worked under the Department of the Interior and Local Government, the co-lead agency of the sub-committee on security, peace, and order with the Department of National Defense Department.
Based on these findings, COA declared these expenditures as both redundant and a waste of public funds. – Rappler.com
MANILA, Philippines – There is no denying that the rhetoric of President Rodrigo Duterte is one that promoted violence.
Over the past six years, “kill” and other related words were a staple in his public speeches. And, more often than not, these violent rhetoric did not just stay as words but had become policies that targeted many sectors in society, most especially the most vulnerable.
It’s not that Duterte himself did the killings, but his policies made a culture of impunity the norm in the Philippines.
Philippine Human Rights Information Center (PhilRights) executive director Nymia Pimentel-Simbulan said that Duterte’s legacy would be the “institutionalization of state violence” in the country, adding that he has done this not just in his war on drugs but also in other aspects of governance.
As Duterte steps down from office, Rappler takes a look at the number of lives lost in different sectors during his administration.
DRUG WAR VICTIMS
Duterte waged a war against illegal drugs in the Philippines. But at the end of his six-year term, there is still no strong indication that he really ended or even just dented this problem. He succeeded, however, at smudging roads and alleys across the country red with blood. His drug war campaign targeted the poorest communities, killing alleged drug personalities without them seeing a day in court.
Government data shows that at least 6,252 people were killed in police anti-drug operations from July 1, 2016, to May 31, 2022. This number does not include those killed by unidentified perpetrators – also called victims of vigilante-style killings – whom human rights groups estimate to be between 27,000 and 30,000.
Rappler, in September 2020, obtained government data showing that at least 7,884 drug suspects had been killed by the police since Duterte assumed office in 2016 until August 31, 2020.
Justice remains elusive for thousands of families left behind by victims, as only one case has led to a conviction so far – the killing of 17-year-old Kian delos Santos in 2017. Their families continue to face challenges in terms of getting the right documents from police to help their cases. Many also choose not to pursue legal actions, fearing for their safety under a climate of impunity.
Even the Commission of Human Rights, mandated by the 1987 Philippine Constitution to investigate state abuses, was consistently hindered by the Duterte government from doing its job. In a report released in May, the commission said its probes were “hampered by the predilection and uncooperativeness” of government agencies involved in the war on drugs.
Because of the dire situation regarding domestic mechanisms, families and human rights groups are banking on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to help provide justice for the victims. The ICC’s Office of the Prosecutor began its formal investigation into drug war killings in September 2021, but has since temporarily paused the probe as a matter of procedure. It has, however, asked the Duterte government to prove that it was genuinely investigating the killings.
JUSTICE. Human rights activists condemn the ‘Bloody Sunday’ police operations in Calabarzon.
ACTIVISTS, GRASSROOTS ORGANIZERS, AND HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS
The concept of human rights was heavily demonized under the Duterte administration. Dissent seemed to not have space anymore as those who dared oppose or even just call out problematic policies faced the wrath of the President himself, his allies, and the massive online propaganda network aligned with the state.
The National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) and its supporters, enjoying massive state resources, consistently red-tagged individuals and groups as it continued to blur the lines between activists and actual communist rebels.
Activists and human rights defenders were attacked both online and on the ground. Tarpaulins bearing their photos and accusing them of recruiting the youth to join the communist insurgency became a common sight across the Philippines. On social media, Facebook pages linked to police and other state agents published disinformation targeting those who dissented.
The threats and harassment hardly stay as words. As of December 2021, rights group Karapatan had documented 427 incidents of killings since July 2016. There were also least 537 recorded cases of frustrated killings.
Meanwhile, at least 1,161 activists have been arrested and detained over the past six years.
Activists, human rights defenders, and grassroot organizers definitely bore the brunt of the Duterte administration’s war on dissent. And with the anti-terror law in effect, they now continue to face a dangerous future.
Read Rappler’s coverage of the fight of activists and human rights defenders under Duterte:
DEFEND THE DEFENDERS. The Philippines was once again named as deadliest country for land and environmental defenders in Asia.
ENVIRONMENTAL WORKERS AND DEFENDERS
The Philippines is one of the most mega-biodiverse countries in the world, but it has its share of challenges.
Not much has changed six years after President Duterte came into power, despite him initially promising to protect the environment. In fact, it has become more dangerous for environmental defenders as they continue to fight development projects that threaten the country’s rich biodiversity.
In 2021, for the eighth straight year, environmental monitor Global Witness named the Philippines as the deadliest country for land and environmental defenders in Asia. The country ranked third globally, just below Colombia and Mexico.
At least 166 killings of land and environmental defenders were recorded in the Philippines from 2016 to 2020, according to Global Witness. This sector is vulnerable to attacks because of lack of resources, powers, and support.
Read Rappler’s coverage of the environment and the challenges faced by defenders:
DEFEND PRESS FREEDOM. Media groups and press freedom advocates hold a candlelight protest in Quezon City on the second anniversary of the ABS-CBN shutdown on May 5, 2022. Jire Carreon/Rappler
JOURNALISTS AND MEDIA WORKERS
Duterte did little to nothing to show he valued press freedom.
The Philippines ranked 138th out of 180 nations in the World Press Freedom Index for 2021, citing the Duterte government’s continued attacks against the media. The President himself was named by the Reporters Without Borders as one of the world’s “press freedom predators.”
Journalists and media outlets were also red-tagged by the NTF-ELCAC, while also on the receiving end of threats and harassment online.
But, in many cases, these online attacks did not stay as empty threats.
At least 23 journalists and media workers were killed under Duterte, based on a tally by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines. There were also at least 32 recorded incidents of media workers red-tagged or accused of having communist links.
Aside from the killings and red-tagging, journalists and media workers were at the risk of losing their livelihood in the face of continued threats and harassment under Duterte. Many lost their jobs as the Duterte administration rejected a new franchise for ABS-CBN, forcing the largest broadcasting network in the Philippines to shut down.
Read Rappler’s coverage of pressing media issues in 2021:
STOP THE KILLINGS. Lawyers call on the Supreme Court to address the rising number of killings of lawyers under the Duterte administration. Rappler photo
LAWYERS, PROSECUTORS, AND JUDGES
Lawyers and other members of the judiciary were not spared from the culture of impunity and violence that permeated daily life in the Philippines under Duterte. The hostility they often faced as part of their work translated into physical threats that took so many lives in the past six years.
At least 66 lawyers, prosecutors, and judges were killed from July 2016 to June 21, 2022. At least 14 of the total killed were former or current prosecutors, while nine were retired or former judges or justices.
The total death toll is collated by Rappler based on monitoring by various sources, including the Supreme Court, the Department of Justice, the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers, and the Free Legal Assistance Group. Their tally differ since there are victims excluded in the counting of some groups as preliminary investigation showed their deaths were allegedly not work-related.
Still, the total number of people who were part of the legal profession killed during the Duterte administration surpassed the numbers of victims under previous presidents. In fact, 49 lawyers killed from the administration of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos to Benigno Aquino III, spanning 44 years, compared to 66 during Duterte’s six years.
The heightened violence has prompted urgent calls from legal groups – including the Integrated Bar of the Philippines – for a “nationwide effort to protect our lawyers and judges.” The Supreme Court in March 2021 released a statement, condemning the killings, and vowed to push for institutional changes.
Read Rappler’s coverage of attacks against lawyers and members of the judiciary in 2021:
Violence consistently permeated the Philippines, as reflected also in the high number of local chief executives killed since Duterte took office in 2016.
Based on monitoring by Rappler, at least 18 mayors and 10 vice mayors have been slain since July 2016.
It can be remembered that local government officials were also targeted by Duterte’s war on drugs. During the first few months of his administration, the President publicly accused several mayors of being involved in the illegal drug trade. In January 2017, he threatened them to either resign or face death.
Aside from vice mayors and mayors, several other local government officials were also slain in the past six years. In December 2018, families of slain politicians in Pangasinan published an open letter to Duterte, urging him to help bring justice to their loved ones.
Read Rappler’s coverage of attacks against local officials:
Ang sabi-sabi: Ayon sa Facebook page na “Ayuda mula kay Sen. Robin Padilla,” mamimigay ang kahahalal lang na senador ng ayuda na umaabot sa P10,000.
Marka: HINDI TOTOO
Ang katotohanan: Ang ayuda na nagmumula sa gobyerno ay maaaring ibigay ng mga lokal na pamahalaan o ng mga departamento lamang, hindi ng mga senador.
Bakit kailangang i-fact-check: Pinapakalat ito ng isang Facebook page na nagpapanggap bilang kinatawan ni Padilla.
Mga detalye
Mula Mayo 30, naging aktibo ang Facebook page na “Ayuda mula kay Sen. Robin Padilla,” na nagpapanggap bilang kinatawan ng aktor at bagong halal na senador.
Ayon sa mga post ng page na ito, magbibigay si Padilla ng ayuda na umaabot sa halagang P10,000, at kailangang magpalista sa isang link ang mga nais makatanggap nito.
Hindi totoo ang sabi-sabing ito.
Ayon sa 1987 Konstitusyon, hindi kabilang sa mga responsibilidad at tungkulin ng mga senador ang pagbibigay ng ayuda o indibiduwal na pagpapalaganap ng programa ng gobyerno.
Ang ayuda na nagmumula sa gobyerno ay maaaring ibigay ng mga lokal na pamahalaan at mga departamento kagaya ng Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) at Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) lamang. Hindi mga senador.
Ang pagbibigay ng ayuda sa mga Pilipino ay nagsimula noong 2020, sa ilalim ng emergency subsidy program (ESP) na binuo dahil sa Bayanihan To Heal As One Act.
Sa ilalim ng batas na ito, ang unang bibigyan ng DSWD ng ESP o ayudang umaabot sa P5,000 hanggang P8,000 ay ang mahigit 18 milyong mahihirap na pamilyang Pilipino o tinatawag na “low-income households,” para maitaguyod sila sa harap ng pandemya ng COVID-19.
Kasama sa mga kumakalat na post na naglalaman ng sabi-sabing ito ay isang umano’y link ng website kung saan kailangang magpalista at magbigay ng mga pribadong detalye upang makatanggap ng ayuda. (BASAHIN: By The Numbers: 2021 cash aid program)
Walang relasyon ang link na ito sa gobyerno, DSWD, o kahit anomang departamento.
Kamakailan, na-fact-check ng Rappler ang ilang sabi-sabing kagaya nito, na may relasyon sa umano’y pagbibigay ng ayuda.
Kumakalat ang mga sabi-sabing mamimigay ng P10,000 ang tambalang UniTeam nina Bise Presidente Sara Duterte at president-elect na si Ferdinand “BongBong” Marcos Jr., at ang mamimigay rin si Pangulong Duterte ng P10,000 ayuda bawat pamilya bago bumaba sa puwesto.
Hindi totoo ang mga sabi-sabing ito.
Basahin ang mga ibang fact check na nagawa ng Rappler katulad nito:
Kung may nakikita kang kahina-hinalang Facebook pages, groups, accounts, websites, artikulo, o mga larawan sa iyong network, i-send ang mga ito sa factcheck@rappler.com. Maaari ring magsumite ng mga sabi-sabi sa #FactsFirstPH tipline. Ipadala lang ang mga ito bilang message sa Facebook ng Rappler, bilang direct message sa Twitter ng Newsbreak, o bilang message sa aming Viber fact check chatbot. Sa bawat fact check, labanan natin ang pagkalat ng mali o mapanlinlang na impormasyon.
MANILA, Philippines – On Tuesday, June 21, reporters shuffled into Malacañang’s press briefing room as Acting Presidential Spokesman Martin Andanar took the podium in front of the deep blue curtains and Palace seal familiar to the public.
It could have been just another press conference, except it was a social event: the oath-taking of Malacañang Press Corps officers long-delayed due to the pandemic.
It was also the first time that Palace reporters stepped inside the Malacañang compound, since that last March 2020 press conference when President Rodrigo Duterte announced the first lockdown.
Likely, it will be one of the last Palace press events with Duterte as president.
The atmosphere in the New Executive Building, where the press briefing room and press working area are located, was decidedly more relaxed than at any time in the Duterte administration.
No President Duterte in the building’s TV monitors making his fourth free-wheeling, long-winded, curse-laden speech of the day.
No busy pantry as reporters mixed their third cup of coffee while waiting for the chronically late chief executive to arrive at his event.
No furious typing on laptops by reporters reviewing their audio or video recordings of Duterte’s latest harangue from a Palace event they had just rushed from.
That Tuesday afternoon, with only nine days left of his presidency, there was a palpable mood of winding down in Malacañang.
But the days of Duterte in his “prime” are like yesterday for Palace reporters, the journalists assigned to cover the Office of the President.
Body clock, workflow adjustments
Any Palace reporter will agree that Duterte was an “unconventional” president. But the unconventional aspect of his style that had the most immediate impact on Palace media coverage was his body clock.
Duterte’s day often started past 1 pm, and could stretch to 10 pm or even past midnight, as was the case with several Cabinet meetings.
“In the other beats, if it’s five o’clock [in the afternoon], they are preparing for the next day. Here, we are starting the action,” Alexis Romero, one of Philippine Star’s Palace reporters, told Rappler.
MEETING DEADLINES. Alexis Romero, Philippine Star reporter, works at his desk in the press working area inside Malacañang compound. Photo by Pia Ranada/Rappler
Romero, who calls himself a “night owl,” managed fairly well just by guzzling coffee to stay alert at the odd hours Duterte kept. But most reporters, including Inquirer.net’s Nestor Corrales, had to adjust their body clock to match the President’s.
“Si Duterte, kailangan mo siyang sabayan. Tanghali ka na rin nagigising para may energy ka,” Corrales told Rappler. (You have to be in step with Duterte. You wake up in the afternoon too so you’ll have energy [for the rest of the day].)
The strange working hours were compounded by Duterte’s tendency to be late to an event by two to four hours.
This made life particularly difficult for print reporters who had mid-afternoon deadlines.
Vague, incendiary
And then, there was Duterte’s messaging style.
Incendiary; prone to making sweeping claims, colorful threats, minor to major inaccuracies; and a tendency not to finish his sentences made writing about Duterte’s remarks not only tricky but dangerous.
“Because of Durterte, you become more careful in transcribing. Because sometimes you wonder, ‘Is what he is saying correct? Did I hear him right?’” said Corrales.
Getting a quote wrong, even unintentionally, could leave a reporter vulnerable to sweeping allegations of “fake news” by pro-Duterte personalities, at a time when these bloggers were already vilifying reporters for reporting critically on the President.
Whenever Duterte would leave a tantalizing sentence hanging and his spokespersons were not responding to reporters’ queries about what the President actually meant, Romero found himself turning to a usually rarely used punctuation mark.
“It’s the first time in history that ellipses has become very useful for articles,” joked Romero.
Another punctuation mark that suddenly became a common sight in Malacañang transcripts was the asterisk, deployed when writing the many curse words Duterte would use in his speeches.
Whenever Duterte said something vague but potentially newsworthy, Palace reporters would huddle in the press working area asking each other about their interpretation.
Eventually, Duterte’s speeches became formulaic, down to the jokes he would use. Palace reporters could practically predict the next line or the next topic. “In 1521…” or “My grandmother was a Maranao…” or “Do not destroy my country, or I will kill you” were just some lines to expect in a Duterte speech.
But reporters knew only too well not to be complacent.
“His speeches were repetitive, but the trick there is to still listen because in between he would say big, newsworthy things,” Tuesday Niu of Super Radyo dzBB said in Filipino.
If his speeches were tricky, his press conferences and “ambush” interviews were a landmine.
In the early years of his presidency, Duterte allowed sudden media interviews, which were often free-flowing and meandering. He would also often give them in the most inopportune of times, like at an ASEAN Summit in Singapore, where he suddenly stopped where reporters were gathered to give his insights about a range of topics, including his drug war.
In 2017, reporters had to rush to the Palace on a Sunday night because Duterte suddenly called a press conference about the murder of a South Korean businessman by policemen – a murder that threatened to erode trust in his anti-criminality stance.
Dangerous words
But the most controversial aspect of covering Duterte was writing about his threats and sensational claims.
“He does not seem to be particular about accuracy, but he cares about the meat of the message. He doesn’t care about the nitty-gritty of the facts, it seems, but it’s about keeping the topic in the public consciousness. But, of course, it’s your job as a journalist to fact-check. The administration highlighted the need for fact-checking,” he said.
Malacañang Press Corps president Evelyn Quiroz, who writes for Pilipino Mirror, said she “counterchecked with reliable sources first” if she suspected Duterte’s claims were inaccurate.
On the presidential podium, Duterte has accused people of being involved in illegal drugs, and accused journalists and lawyers of being part of a plot to oust him. He’s flashed the middle finger at European officials and made all manner of insults and threats against communists, senators, human rights advocates, priests, ambassadors, royalty, and more. (READ: The Duterte Insult List)
Duterte’s words usually resulted in real consequences to persons named.
Senator Leila de Lima, an early target, was eventually detained on drug charges that had its beginnings in accusationsmade by Duterte in a speech.
His claims about Rappler, first mentioned in his 2017 State of the Nation Address, were formalized in official actions by the Solicitor General that led to an order by the Securities and Exchange Commission to revoke the news organization’s license. This is being challenged in court.
Duterte remarks can affect a politician’s prospects of winning in elections. Opposition candidates did not make it to victory in the 2019 senatorial race. In 2022, only one – Risa Hontiveros – entered the winning circle. Duterte had repeatedly pounded on the opposition bets in several speeches during these election years.
Pressure on Palace reporters
Pressure was put on Malacañang reporters to do more than echo Duterte, given the far-reaching, even life-threatening, consequences of his words.
In 2019, seven media organizations, including the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility,urged newsrooms not to publish, without verification, the list of alleged “narco politicians” Duterte released ahead of that year’s elections.
“Verify, verify, verify. And do so independently. That is the first thing that the news media can and should do, before running a list that tags and links people to hateful crimes, on the mere say-so of the President and his political lieutenants,” read their statement.
Some newsrooms have since adjusted. Rappler and PhilStar.com, for instance, wrote about the narco list and Duterte’s press conference but did not publish the names.
During the pandemic, when Duterte used his weekly “Talk to the People” addresses to hit his critics and make all kinds of claims about opposition figures like Vice President Leni Robredo, there was debate about how Palace reporters should report on his remarks.
Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Manny Mogato criticized Malacañang reporters for not always challenging the inaccurate or false claims of Duterte and his spokesmen.
Award-winning news anchor and political podcast host Christian Esguerra said Palace reporters should provide quick context and not resort to “he said, she said” reporting. There should be live fact-checking of the President’s statements.
ON DUTY. DzBB radio reporter Tuesday Niu works at one of the desks at the Press Working Area inside the Malacañang compoud. Photo by Pia Ranada/Rappler
For radio reporters like Niu, this was tricky since their output would typically be a live broadcast of whatever Duterte was saying.
She is of the opinion that whatever the President says is news and should be reported as is. However, she said she would come up with a report later on comparing Duterte’s statistics with, for instance, the figures from the Philippine National Police.
“As long as iko-quote mo na galing sa kanya, wala ka namang pananagutan doon kasi siya ang nagsabi,” said Niu. (As long as you quote him and say he said it, you don’t have a liability there because he’s the one who said it.)
“Hindi mo naman p’wedeng hindi i-report dahil makikita rin naman ’yon sa iba, gagamitin ng ibang network. Kung may mali man doon sa kanyang sinasabi, nililinaw nila, iko-quote mo pa rin ’yung paglilinaw nila after or ibangga mo doon sa source niya kung saan galing, kunwari PNP,” she added.
(You cannot not report on it because other networks will. If there was something wrong with what he said, they usually clarify, so you quote the clarification or you verify it with the source of the information, like the PNP.)
Asked about the criticisms from fellow journalists, Quiroz defended MPC members.
“I think each of the Palace reporters did his or her best to do his or her job responsibly,” she told Rappler.
Attacks on media
Malacañang reporters were often the first to hear Duterte’s attacks against fellow journalists or media outfits.
Quiroz says these diatribes had a “chilling effect.”
Romero found these attacks “concerning,” but said it did not lead him to self-censor. The same may not be true for other reporters, he said.
“If I look beyond myself and I look at the entire media industry, for me, it will be a concern because it will somehow dissuade media outfits from reporting critically about the government. Some might think, ‘They might humiliate us or trolls might gang up on us,’” he said.
Duterte’s verbal volleys against ABS-CBN set the groundwork for his allies to reject a franchise for the country’s biggest network. Duterte banned this reporter and all other Rappler reporters from covering his official events. He often claimed ABS-CBN and Philippine Daily Inquirer were biased. He once called veteran journalist Ellen Tordesillas of VERA Files a “prostitute.” Malacañang claimed Tordesillas, Rappler CEO Maria Ressa, and the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism were part of a plot to oust him.
On several occasions, Duterte targeted Palace reporters themselves. He put reporters, including this writer, on the spot by mentioning a story in their publication he found “biased” and then making casual threats like wondering why the reporter was still present or warning them they shouldn’t go to Mindanao for their own safety.
These confrontations would even take place during press conferences being aired live across multiple networks. They made the prospect of covering Duterte anxiety-inducing because you never knew if you would get put on the spot if you asked a question or if he so much as saw you.
For Romero, Duterte’s abrasiveness with media could have repercussions far beyond his presidency.
“I’d be worried because you have someone who can persuade the next generation of leaders to be onion-skinned against a group of people who are supposed to perform their jobs in a democracy,” he said.
The Palace reporters Rappler spoke with said they had mixed feelings about Duterte’s term coming to an end. But one common feeling was relief.
Duterte was an interesting subject who made big headlines and garnered a lot of attention, both locally and internationally.
But he was unhealthy for the media in more ways than one. One Palace reporter described Duterte’s term as “traumatic.”
For Romero: “Para siyang roller coaster. ’Yung roller coaster, hindi siya masayang araw-araw na experience, pero every now and then, ‘punta nga tayong Enchanted Kingdom.’” (He’s like a roller coaster. A rollercoaster is not a good daily experience, but, every now and then, you want to go to Enchanted Kingdom.) – Rappler.com
Ang sabi-sabi: Pinagmumura ng mga tao ang bagong halal na senador na si Alan Peter Cayetano dahil hindi umano ito namansin ng tao sa isang mall.
Marka: HINDI TOTOO
Ang katotohanan: Hindi minura ng lalaki sa video si Cayetano. Pabiro lamang na kinulit ng lalaki sa video si Cayetano tungkol sa P10,000 na ayuda na nais isulong ng mambabatas.
Bakit kailangang i-fact-check: Nang isulat ang fact-check na ito, mayroon nang mahigit 938 na reaksiyon, 314 komento, at 14,746 views ang post na nagpapakalat ng kasinungalingang ito sa YouTube.
Mga detalye
Isang post noong Hunyo 24 ng YouTube channel Showbiz Fanaticz ang nagsasabi na pinagmumura ng mga tao ang bagong halal na senador na si Alan Peter Cayetano sa isang mall dahil hindi ito namansin.
Ang post ay pinamagatang, “Viral! Sen. Cayetano, Pinagmumura Ng Netizens Matapos Dedmahin Ang Mga Pinangakuan Ng 10k| Trapo Ka!”
Nang isulat ang fact-check na ito, mayroon nang mahigit 938 na reaksiyon, 314 komento, at 14,746 views ang post na nagpapakalat ng kasinungalingang ito sa YouTube.
Hindi totoo na pinagmumura si Cayetano.
Makikita sa orihinal na video ng Facebook user na si “Kathy De Mesa Maniba” na pabiro lamang na kinulit ng lalaki sa video si Cayetano tungkol sa P10,000 ayuda na isinusulong ng senador.
Tanging ang linyang “Sir, 10k ko sir. Sir 10k” lamang ang maririnig na sinabi ng lalaki sa video.
Matatandaan na noong 2021, nang siya ay kinatawan pa ng Taguig sa mababang kapulungan, isinulong ni Cayetano na mabigyan ng P10,000 na ayuda ang bawat pamilya, ngunit hindi ito isinama sa pinal na bersiyon ng Bayanihan to Arise as One o Bayanihan 3 bill.
Binuo rin ni Cayetano ang proyektong “Sampung Libong Pagasa” noong 2021 kung saan nagbibigay ang senador ng P10,000 para sa mga pamilyang naapektuhan ng pandemya ang pangkabuhayan.
Ilang beses nang na-fact-check ng Rappler ang YouTube channel na pinagmulan ng sabi-sabi. Basahin ang iba pang fact check ng Rappler sa YouTube channel Showbiz Fanaticz:
Kung may nakikita kang kahina-hinalang Facebook pages, groups, accounts, websites, artikulo, o mga larawan sa iyong network, i-send ang mga ito sa factcheck@rappler.com. Maaari ring magsumite ng mga sabi-sabi sa #FactsFirstPH tipline. Ipadala lang ang mga ito bilang message sa Facebook ng Rappler, bilang direct message sa Twitter ng Newsbreak, o bilang message sa aming Viber fact check chatbot. Sa bawat fact check, labanan natin ang pagkalat ng mali o mapanlinlang na impormasyon.
MANILA, Philippines – When President Rodrigo Duterte vowed to crush the oligarchy in 2016, Roberto Ongpin was the first to get whipped.
Ongpin, who served as trade minister under Ferdinand E. Marcos, was forced to auction off 53.76% of his stake in PhilWeb, a supplier of electronic gambling software, after Duterte’s tirades caused share prices to fall by as much as 70%.
Duterte vowed to “destroy the oligarchs that are embedded in government” and put an end to online gambling.
“Malakas kay Marcos, malakas siya and successful. [During the time of President Fidel] Ramos, he was a hanger-on,” said Duterte in August 2016. (He had a strong influence on Marcos, he was influential and successful. [During the time of President Fidel] Ramos’ time, he was a hanger-on.)
Duterte painted himself as the enemy of the oligarchy, but his actions throughout his six years in office indicated that he either fell short of this promise or was protecting his own set of cronies.
The rise of POGOs
As Duterte sidelined Ongpin out of the gaming space, a new set of gamblers came out to play.
Following Duterte’s remarks against Ongpin, the Philippine Amusement Gaming Corporation (Pagcor) ended its 13-year contract with Philweb and effectively allowed the sale of gaming licenses outside special economic zones. The Philweb contract had essentially allowed it to enjoy a monopoly.
Pagcor regained its powers to sell licenses and open up the market to offshore gambling firms, including Chinese online gaming companies which they called Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators or POGOs.
The rise of POGOs became a national issue, as the influx of Chinese nationals gentrified cities by pushing up real estate prices. Incidents of alleged kidnapping, human trafficking, and bribery in the Bureau of Immigration launched a Senate probe.
Coverage was so negative that China urged Duterte to put an end to POGOs.
Instead of heeding the call of Beijing, Duterte told Pagcor chief Andrea Domingo, “Magpasugal ka pa nang marami (Push gambling some more).”
Duterte’s close friend
It’s not just POGOs that saw a spectacular rise under Duterte. A little-known businessman from Davao became the new king in elite circles.
In a span of six years, Dennis Uy, who donated P30 million to Duterte’s campaign kitty in 2016, went on a buying spree for companies.
His acquisitions included convenience store chain FamilyMart, restaurant chain Conti’s, and the Malampaya gas field.
Uy also managed to bag the coveted frequencies for the country’s third major telco player despite having no experience in the telco industry.
Uy has repeatedly denied that he was able to buy these companies by using his ties to Duterte as leverage. As Duterte steps down from office, Uy now has to prove that claim.
Now, Uy is selling off his assets. He has given up his stake in Malampaya and sold assets in Clark Global City to a company whose purpose is to acquire debt-ridden companies. More assets are said to be up for sale.
While some tycoons enjoyed perks, there were some that felt Duterte’s wrath – and rightfully so – for evading taxes.
In 2017, tobacco giant Mighty Corporation, led by the brothers Alexander and Caesar Wongchuking, coughed up P30 billion in settlement over allegations of using counterfeit stamps to avoid paying taxes.
“After the settlement, Mighty will no longer engage in the tobacco business. This will be the biggest tax settlement on record and will produce a windfall for the government which is significant because we need to face the unexpected costs of rebuilding Marawi and Ormoc,” Duterte said in his second State of the Nation Address.
Duterte’s outbursts against taipan Lucio Tan also led to Philippine Airlines (PAL) settling some P6 billion in tax liabilities.
The Philippine flag carrier paid up just around a month after the Department of Transportation threatened to close NAIA Terminal 2, which is exclusively used by PAL.
The government was also able to scoop up P3 billion from tycoon Manuel V. Pangilinan, as well as frequencies from his PLDT, at no cost.
In 2011, PLDT and the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) agreed that PLDT would get compensation for the frequencies of Cure (Connectivity Unlimited Resource Enterprises). But Duterte didn’t want to give this compensation, saying that since Cure’s frequencies were provided by the government for free, it should not cost the government anything when it wanted them back.
Pangilinan returned the frequencies to the government, which were then assigned to Duterte’s longtime friend Uy. Uy’s Dito Telecommunity was the lone company that qualified for the bidding.
Tough talk for tycoons
While Duterte got some billionaires to pay up, the business community questioned his crass methods and even outright disregard for due process.
In the cases of Pangilinan’s Maynilad and then Ayalas’ Manila Water, Duterte threatened to cancel their concession agreements due to the water crisis.
Duterte’s tirades also came at a time where Maynilad and Manila Water won arbitration cases worth P7.4 billion and P3.4 billion, respectively.
The two companies eventually gave up their claims and had their respective concession agreements revised, resulting in lower water rates. Business circles questioned the manner how this was done.
It was these two companies that overhauled the dismal water system of Manila when it was managed by Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System. The concession agreement was also a result of the government buttering up the deal, since no company at that time wanted to undertake such a tumultuous task. (READ: Risky business: Why gov’t made sure Manila Water, Maynilad would earn)
But perhaps what shook the business community was the shutdown of media giant ABS-CBN over alleged tax issues and supposedly pocketing Duterte’s cash despite not airing his campaign ads.
Even after the Bureau of Internal Revenue cleared the network of any tax deficiencies, a Congress packed with a “Duterte supermajority” blocked ABS-CBN’s franchise renewal.
ABS-CBN off free TV created a domino effect, resulting in job losses in the creative and advertising industries amid the coronavirus pandemic.
Tax reform
Duterte wielding his ability to influence who to tax and which companies or individuals get the hammer was a recurring theme throughout his presidency.
In the case of the economy, his economic team pushed for tax reform.
Through the leadership of Finance Secretary Carlos Dominguez III, Duterte was able to push for the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion or TRAIN Law, which lowered personal income taxes, but increased taxes on oil and sugary drinks.
But studies by researchers at the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) showed that TRAIN worsened the plight of millions of Filipinos.
PIDS researchers found that TRAIN exacerbated Philippine poverty by 0.26 percentage points even with the cash transfers in place. Income inequality also likely worsened due to TRAIN.
“TRAIN is often criticized for its perceived negative impact on the poor. Mainly, that implementing TRAIN will lead to higher prices. Yes, adjusting excise taxes would raise prices of some commodities faced by consumers, but it will be minimal and it will be temporary,” Socioeconomic Planning Secretary Karl Chua said in 2018.
“The economy and the people are more resilient than naysayers would have us believe. History has proven this to be true,” he added.
Despite TRAIN, the government has consistently failed to meet revenue targets, leading critics to conclude that Duterte’s economic team spent little time in widening the tax base.
Meanwhile, Duterte’s economic team was able to push for the Corporate Recovery and Tax Incentives for Enterprises (CREATE) bill, which lowered income tax rates paid by corporations from 30% to 25%, followed by a gradual reduction to 20% by 2027. It also rationalized tax perks.
The premise of CREATE is this: With fewer taxes to pay, corporations are expected to use their tax savings to hire new workers and expand their operations – a classic example of trickle-down economics.
These assumptions have yet to be realized, as companies remain cautious in a gradually opening economy.
Economic managers said that these tax reform measures would coincide with amendments to laws restricting foreign ownership.
What Duterte is leaving behind
While Dominguez would be bowing out alongside the chief executive on June 30, it is widely expected that president-elect Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s economic team would pick up on the remaining goals of Duterte and emulate their liberal strategy of running the economy.
After all, Marcos chose central bank governor Benjamin Diokno – Duterte’s former budget chief – to head his economic team. Dominguez and Diokno share many similar views about the economy. (READ: Diokno on high fuel prices: ‘We should be less of a crybaby’)
Marcos will assume office with a tight fiscal space, as pandemic and infrastructure borrowings and weak revenues under Duterte’s administration led to debt reaching almost P13 trillion.
Dominguez and the Department of Finance have enumerated suggestions in his fiscal consolidation plan, which include new taxes, pushing for the remaining tax reform packages, and maintaining prudent spending.
“Pursuing the fiscal consolidation and resource mobilization program as proposed will help us continue to spend on socioeconomic programs, maintain our credit ratings, and grow out of our debt,” Dominguez said.
Ang sabi-sabi: Iimbestigahan ng Kongreso ang blocktime deal ng ABS-CBN at Zoe Broadcasting Network Inc. (ZBNI) dahil nilalabag nito ang legislative franchise ng Zoe.
Marka: HINDI TOTOO
Ang katotohanan: Walang pahayag o panukala ang Kongreso patungkol sa anumang imbestigasyon sa blocktime deal ng dalawang kompanya sa kabila ng mga suhestiyon nina House Minority Leader Joseph Stephen Paduano at Chief Presidential Legal Counsel Salvador Panelo noong 2020.
Bakit kailangang i-fact-check: Nang isulat ang fact-check na ito, mayroon nang mahigit 3,200 na reaksiyon, 446 komento, at 107,118 views ang post sa YouTube.
Mga detalye
Isang post noong Hunyo 16 ng YouTube channel “Showbiz Fanaticz” ang nagsasabing iimbestigahan ng Kongreso ang blocktime deal ng ABS-CBN at ng Zoe Broadcasting Network Inc. (ZBNI).
Ang video ay pinamagatang “Viral! Matapos Pagmalaki| Vice Ganda Muling Kinarma| Lllegal Team Up Ng Zoe Tv Sa Abs Iimbestigahan!”
Ipinakita sa YouTube video ang isang artikulo mula sa Daily Tribune na patunay umanong iimbestigahan na ng Kongreso ang nasabing blocktime deal sa pagitan ng dalawang media company.
Nang isulat ang fact-check na ito, mayroon nang mahigit 3,200 na reaksiyon, 446 komento, at 107,118 views ang post sa YouTube.
Hindi totoo ang sabi-sabi.
Ang ipinakitang artikulo mula sa Daily Tribune ay isang komentaryong nagsasabi kung bakit kailangang imbestigahan ng Kongreso ang blocktime deal ng ABS-CBN at ng ZBNI. Hindi nito sinasabing iimbestigahan na nga ng Kongreso ang nasabing kasunduan.
Walang anumang pahayag o panukala mula sa Kongreso patungkol sa pagsasagawa ng imbestigasyon sa blocktime deal ng dalawang media company sa kabila ng pagkuwestiyon dito nina dating Chief Presidential Legal Counsel Salvador Panelo at ni House Minority Leader Joseph Stephen Paduano.
Ayon sa Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR), ang blocktiming ay ang pagbili ng airtime mula sa isang network o estasyon. Ang nasabing airtime ay maaaring gamitin upang magpalabas ng mga programa na hindi mula sa network na nagbenta ng airtime.
Ang ZOE TV, na pagmamay-ari ng ZBNI, ay pinangalanang A2Z channel ng ZBNI matapos mapagkasunduan ng ABS-CBN at ZBNI ang blocktime agreement upang maipalabas ang kanilang mga programa sa nasabing channel.
Ang ZBNI ay broadcast media arm ng Jesus Is Lord (JIL) Church Worldwide, na pinamumunuan ng televangelist na si Eddie Villanueva. Si Villanueva ay isa rin mambabatas at kasalukuyan ay isang Deputy House Speaker ng House of Representatives. – Lorenz Pasion/Rappler.com
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Ang sabi-sabi: Itataas na ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte sa P750 ang minimum wage sa buong bansa.
Marka: HINDI TOTOO
Ang katotohanan: Ilang taon nang ihinahain ng ilang progresibong grupo ang naturang pagtaas, ngunit hanggang ngayon ay hindi pa ito pinagtutuunan ng pansin ng Pangulo.
Bakit kailangang i-fact-check: Nang isinulat ang fact check na ito, umabot na sa 156,199 views, 3,700 likes, at 393 comments ang naturang kasinungalingan.
Mga detalye
Ipinapakalat ngayon ng isang YouTube video ang sabi-sabi na itataas na umano ni Pangulong Duterte ang national minimum wage sa P750.
Ayon sa post: “Gagawin muna ni Pangulong Duterte na pirmahan ang P750 na arawang sahod sa mga manggagawa sa buong bansa. Minamadali na nga ni Pangulong Duterte ang regional wage board upang agarang trabahuhin ang gusto niyang ipanukala sa buong Pilipinas.”
Nang isinulat ang fact check na ito, umani na ang naturang YouTube video ng 156,199 views, 3,700 likes, at 393 comments.
Hindi totoong itataas ni Pangulong Duterte ang minimum wage sa P750.
Noong 2018, inihain ng Makabayan bloc ang House Bill No. 7787 o ang national minimum wage bill, na naglalayong itaas ang arawang sahod sa P750. Sa taon din na iyon, tumugon ang Malacañang na “imposible,” batay umano sa batas, ang hiling ng mga labor group.
Ngayong Mayo 2022, bagama’t dinagdagan ng bahagya ang sahod sa Metro Manila ng P33, habang P55 at P110 naman ang idinagdag sa Western Visayas, iginiit ng mga progresibong grupo ang pagpasa sa P750 national minimum wage sa gitna ng patuloy na pagtaas ng bilihin. (BASAHIN: Wage hike like ‘crumbs’: Labor groups again push for national minimum wage) – Rochel Ellen Bernido/Rappler.com
Kung may nakikita kang kahina-hinalang Facebook pages, groups, accounts, websites, artikulo, o mga larawan sa iyong network, i-send ang mga ito sa factcheck@rappler.com. Maaari ring magsumite ng mga sabi-sabi sa #FactsFirstPH tipline. Ipadala lang ang mga ito bilang message sa Facebook ng Rappler, bilang direct message sa Twitter ng Newsbreak, o bilang message sa aming Viber fact check chatbot. Sa bawat fact check, labanan natin ang pagkalat ng mali o mapanlinlang na impormasyon.
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