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‘Replica’ left in mausoleum on day of Marcos burial

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DICTATOR'S REMAINS. This file photo dated September 11, 2006, shows the body of dictator Ferdinand Marcos lying preserved in a refrigerated glass crypt in Batac, Ilocos Norte. Photo by Jay Directo/AFP

A source privy to the burial preparations for the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos said on Sunday, November 20, that they left a “replica” of his body in his mausoleum in Ilocos Norte on the day he was interred at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.  

This comes after Marcos loyalists expressed they “felt cheated” when they saw a body of the former president still displayed at the Ferdinand E Marcos Presidential Center in Batac, Ilocos Norte on the day of the burial.   

Friday early morning, the body was switched. So ‘yung katawan na nandun na nakita ng media was actually a decoy. It was a replica. So the reason why they opened the mausoleum at 11 am is to show na it’s normal, andun ba ‘yung katawan ang everything. Alam ko there’s 2 or 3 replicas nung katawan,” said the source who requested to be kept anonymous.  

(The body was switched early Friday morning. So the body seen by the media was a decoy. It was a replica. So the reason why they opened the mausoleum at 11 am on Friday was to show that things were normal and to answer questions whether or not the body is there. I know there are 2 or 3 replicas of the body.) 

On November 18, Marcos’ remains were finally transferred to the national shrine for heroes in Taguig City in a peaceful and private ceremony requested by his heirs. (READ: Behind the scenes: 12 hours to prepare for Marcos burial

The stealthy way the burial was planned and carried out was condemned by Marcos’ critics, with personalities like Vice President Leni Robredo calling out the Marcoses for their “hidden wealth, hidden human rights abuses, and now, a hidden burial.” 

The source maintained that the Marcoses buried the former president’s actual preserved body at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. Some netizens had pointed out that the coffin pictured during the interment was too small for a body. 

According to the source, a top view of Marcos’ wooden coffin would show that the dimensions fit the former president's body shape. 

“I’m actually tempted to say that if the coffin is filled with chocolates and candies, people would believe me. But I bet on my life that it’s really the actual body [that was buried],” added the source.

Quoting a Marcos family friend, historian Antonio Montalvan II earlier said that the "body" of Marcos in Batac is "just a wax replica," and that the real body had already been buried "underneath the glass coffin." – Rappler.com


'Big time drug lord': Who is Kerwin Espinosa?

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DRUG LORD? Kerwin Espinosa, son of the late Albuera mayor Rolando Espinosa Sr., at a press conference in Camp Crame following his deportation from Abu Dhabi. Photo by Alecs Ongcal/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – More than 3 months after President Rodrigo Duterte gave him two choices – surrender or face a "shoot on sight” order – alleged Eastern Visayas drug lord Kerwin Espinosa landed on Philippine soil on Friday morning, November 18.

Espinosa is at the center of one of the major subchapters in the Philippines’ ongoing war on drugs. Son of slain Albuera mayor Rolando Espinosa Sr, he was among the first high-profile personalities named in Duterte’s popular but controversial campaign against the illegal drug trade.

He arrived in the Philippines almost two weeks after his father was killed in a police operation inside a Leyte sub-provincial jail in Baybay City on November 5. He called it a rubout.

Under pressure from the government, the slain mayor had spilled the beans on his own son.

In an affidavit before the Albuera police, he said his son was a “big time drug lord” operating in the region. The mayor was privy to his son’s operations and even delivered protection money to key politicians, police, and even media personnel, according to his initial affidavit.

While the younger Espinosa, speaking to ABS-CBN inside the plane that took him to Manila, admitted involvement in the illegal drugs trade, he debunked his father's claims, insisting he's not a drug lord. 

Here’s what we know about Rolan “Kerwin” Espinosa, based on the affidavits executed by his late father, and public interviews with police officials and the older Espinosa himself.

Links to other drug lords

Kerwin supposedly sourced his drugs from “Lovely,” who allegedly also supplied drugs to New Bilibid Prison (NBP) detainees Peter Co and Peter Lim. Co was among those injured in a brawl inside his prison cell that coincided with an attempt on the life of alleged drug lord Jaybee Sebastian – supposedly to keep him from testifying against Senator Leila de Lima. Initially described as a “riot”, a police investigation showed that these were two separate incidents, and there was no evidence to prove De Lima's involvement.

Peter Lim, meanwhile, is an alleged drug lord based in Central Visayas. After Duterte named Lim as among the big-time drug lords in the country, the Cebu-based businessman called on him in Davao City to personally deny the allegation. The President told him to clear his name before the National Bureau of Investigation.

Mayor Espinosa said he met “Lovely” in November 2015 at an Albuera hotel owned by his son. But he also said in his affidavit that he had never met Lim and Co.

“I haven’t met them personally but I have heard their names being mentioned by my son. Our personal driver and bodyguard, Marcelo Adorco y Labay, once told me that he had personally met this ‘Peter Lim’ in Thailand together with my son sometime in the year 2014 and he confirmed to me that indeed Peter Lim is an illegal drug supplier of Kerwin,” said Espinosa in his affidavit.

“Lovely” had supposedly introduced Kerwin to Co because she was unable to pay her P10-million debt to the alleged drug lord. Kerwin reportedly then took over the illegal drug trade in Eastern Visayas.

Where did the drugs come from?

Mayor Espinosa supposedly sourced illegal drugs from Hong Kong and Thailand via a plane. The illegal drugs would be brought to Manila and transported to the Ninoy Aquino International Airport.

“From Manila, the drugs are brought by the personnel of either Peter Lim or Peter Co to a place in Bulacan and said items are then exchanged/switched along the ‘Skyway’ of the said place between the ‘biyahedor’ (Labay, the close-in bodyguard of my son) and a personnel of either Peter Lim or Peter Co on board a private vehicle,” Espinosa said in the affidavit he executed before his death.

The haul would be brought to his son's “Makati Dela Rosa” home in Makati City. The drugs would then be brought to Ormoc City either through bus or private vehicle, according to the late mayor.

Around 30 to 50 kilos of shabu would be brought to Ormoc monthly for distribution throughout the region. A kilo of shabu prior to the war on drugs cost roughly P1 million.

In his supplemental affidavit, the late mayor Espinosa named several Ormoc-based personalities – from police, politicians, and even media – as recipients of “protection money” from his son.

He also named at least 50 persons who supposedly got money from his son, among them De Lima.

Speaking ahead of Kerwin Espinosa’s return to the Philippines, De Lima said she would not be surprised if she was tagged as his protector.

Journey to Abu Dhabi 

The younger Espinosa has been on the run since late June, when he fled Albuera.

He first flew to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, then to Phuket in Thailand. He then went to Bangkok and Hong Kong before settling in Abu Dhabi.

Abu Dhabi police nabbed him in mid-October through an alert of the Philippine National Police (PNP) via Interpol. Kerwin had a standing warrant for violating the Philippines' firearms and illegal drugs laws.

Espinosa also underwent plastic surgery on his nose, according to Dela Rosa. But Espinosa said he had this done long before he was outed as a supposed drug lord. 

It was a Filipino worker in Abu Dhabi who tipped the PNP about the whereabouts of the alleged drug lord. According to an ABS-CBN report, Kerwin tapped the help of an ex-girlfriend working in Abu Dhabi so he and his family could stay there. The woman is supposedly the sister of one of his close-in security aides.

His wife and 3 young children stayed behind in Abu Dhabi but are expected to fly to the Philippines soon. 

Espinosa said Friday he is ready to "tell all" but claimed he wants to be placed under the Philippines' Witness Protection Program. Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II has offered to put the alleged drug lord under the program, provided he agrees to cooperate with probers looking into the illegal drug trade.

The younger Espinosa is now detained at Camp Crame, where he would be asked to execute his own affidavit detailing his transactions with personalities linked to drugs.

It won't be lost on him that just a few months ago, one suspected drug lord did the same – thinking that a signed confession would save his life. He was killed in jail. – Rappler.com

Cavite, Cebu schools prepare PWDs for employment

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LEARNING INDEPENDENCE. Schools in Cavite and Cebu provide livelihood skills training. All photos by Patty Pasion/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – Just a year ago, high school student Bernadette Levardo would tuck herself in the corner of a room, all quiet.

But now, the young lady joins her friends after school to hang out. These bonding activities would sometimes worry Bernadette's mother, who would call the girl's teacher: "Ma'am, nasaan na po si Bernadette? Kasi po 8 [pm] na." (Ma'am, where is Bernadette? It's already 8 pm.)

Bernadette is among the persons with intellectual disabilities (PWIDs) enrolled in the special education (SPED) program of Carmona National High School (CNHS) in Cavite province. PWIDs have limitations in terms of intellectual functioning or learning practical skills.  

Bernadette's teacher Estie Manguiat said her student's quick transformation from being shy to outgoing is because of their school's socialization activities for SPED learners.

Over in the province of Cebu, security guard Lorenzo Fernandez has always feared for his daughter Loribeth's future ever since he found out that she has autism.

"I thought she could only study until Grade 6. I was worried. If she won't be able to study, she will only stay at home while my wife and I work. I feel sorry for her," said Fernandez in Filipino.

But Loribeth, now a senior high school student, started to learn entrepreneurship in the technical-vocational course offered by the Mandaue City SPED High School.

Bernadette and Loribeth are two success stories of SPED learners who were able to rise above their limitations. Their schools have provided ample guidance and well-structured programs, allowing them to develop their skills and interact independently.

Carmona's pride

If there's one thing the small town of Carmona could boast of, it is its sensitivity to persons with disabilities (PWDs), an oft-neglected sector in the Philippines.

"Hindi namin itinatago ang mga [estudyanteng may] IDs (intellectual disability) dito," said CNHS principal Teresita Silan. (Here, we do not hide our students with intellectual disabilities.)

In fact, the school beefed up the Department of Education (DepEd) transition program for PWIDS by launching socialization activities.

First implemented in pilot schools in 2006, the DepEd transition program gives practical skills training to PWIDs.

"Through the transition program, Bernadette was trained, she improved her social skills, and it boosted her confidence," said Manguiat. "I was even amazed she was able to deliver a speech just recently in senior high school."

SPED learners in CNHS are not separated from those attending mainstream classes. Senior high school teacher Glenn Aragoncillo said they did not find the need to separate these students, including those with intellectual disabilities.

The SPED learners are seated in front and assigned a seatmate who will help them catch up with the lessons. Non-SPED educators are also regularly trained by the local government's Persons with Disability Affairs Office (PDAO) to be sensitive to the students' needs and pace of learning.

The social skills that Bernadette learned helped her be more confident to go to college and study Hotel and Restaurant Management.

"I want to become a successful chef someday," she shared. "I want to buy a house and lot [for] my family and own a restaurant."

Tech-voc training

Bernadette learned to love cooking because of their technical-vocational training in school, which is focused on baking breads and pastries.   

Even before the DepEd launched senior high school, CNHS was already providing technical-vocational training for its students.

Senior high school, recently added to the country's secondary education system, aims to prepare students for college or for employment in case they do not wish – or are unable – to continue school. It offers 3 tracks: Academic, Sports and Arts, and Technical-Vocational-Livelihood (TVL).

In the SPED center at CNHS, technical-vocational training has been available for the past 6 years, particularly for PWIDs and those with autism. (READ: LGU empowers persons with autism through employment

"Often, the problem with them is that they have difficulties understanding lessons in Math, English, and Science. [This training] is important for them because not all companies can accommodate hiring them," said teacher Aileen Solaon, who specializes in teaching PWIDs.

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Students practice the skills in a SPED room where there is a small oven and basic baking equipment such as spatulas, a mixer, and pans. Funds for these equipment were given by the local government when the program started in 2010.

The students also sell their products inside school, to let them experience how to run a business.

Since the TVL track requires an on-the-job training component, the school has also forged partnerships with fast food chains and factories in their town. (READ: Job matching site promotes employment for PWDs)

Cebu model 

Mandaue City SPED High School, just like its counterpart in Cavite, also offers TVL training. It chose to offer senior high, however, without integrating PWDs in mainstream classes.

Last year, their students who were graduating from junior high school were supposed to be transferred for senior high to the city's comprehensive public high school.

SPED High School head Delia Miñosa appealed that they be allowed to offer senior high school instead.

"My concern was the other schools are not ready for inclusive education because they need teachers specialized in SPED… There are teachers in non-SPED schools that are frustrated with having SPED learners in their classrooms because they already have a full plate," she said.

In fact, at the Bangkal National High School SPED Center in Lapu-Lapu City, Cebu, there are teachers having difficulties about the mixed set-up, because they need a modified curriculum or a different pace of teaching for integrated students but they do not have a module to follow.

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Focus on students  

After lobbying with the regional office, Mandaue City SPED High School was allowed to offer senior high school.

Budget is among the primary concerns why the school wanted to keep SPED learners under its wing. Miñosa said they know how can SPED be neglected given schools' tight budgets, as Mandaue City SPED High School was previously just a school unit.

With the proper funding and help from an aid group, the high school now has a workshop almost double the size of a usual classroom. Like in Carmona, this is where students practice techniques.

The workshop has heavy-duty ovens, wide tables, a weaving machine, some tools, and a sari-sari (variety) store, managed by student Loribeth.

"I love shopping at Colonnade Grand Mall and Metro Gaisano for the sari-sari store," Loribeth, 24, said with a smile.

She knows she is in charge of making sure the store has enough stocks for SPED learners, as well as grade school and high school students who are her suki (patrons).

"She is very good at giving the exact change. She is very good at remembering also those who are not able to pay… her dream is to open a sari-sari store," said Loribeth's teacher July Lasaca. "Everyone here knows her as the tindera (vendor) of our small store."

Aside from TVL, the senior high school also teaches functional literacy to PWID students and those with pronounced autism.

"For students with [intellectual and behavioral disabilities], we teach them functional academics in junior high school. These include occupational and guidance, personal and social skills, and daily living skills. Those subjects are carried over to senior high school," said Miñosa.

The inclusive route  

"Mainstreaming" or integrating special learners in the regular school system is based on the DepEd's policy and guidelines for SPED.

Student Inclusion Division head Nancy Pascual of the DepEd central office said development and social adaptation of these learners are much faster if they interact with their "typical" counterparts. 

That is why the DepEd is taking the route of promoting inclusion instead of establishing separate senior high school sections in SPED centers.

There are already some SPED schools which are senior high school-ready but Pascual said they are currently working on "upgrading" SPED centers into learning resource centers (LRCs).

"Specialized equipment are lodged in the learning resource centers. Any school that has PWD enrollment will be able to access it anytime of the year," she said in an interview.

In this way, mainstream schools can accept PWD enrollment.

"This addresses the financial side. Instead of going to SPED schools far from their homes, they could just enroll in the nearest school to their residence, which is not necessarily a SPED center," Pascual explained.

Once this initiative rolls out, the "upgraded" SPED centers will serve as guide to schools accepting students with special needs.

Pascual said ideally, regular schools would also be boosted with more SPED teachers specializing in specific conditions such as visual impairment, hearing impairment, intellectual disabilities, learning disabilities, and autism.

"There is a proposal that as much as possible there are specialized teachers, but for now, teachers in regular schools must be trained and learn how to handle these students when they enter senior high school," she said. 

Institutionalizing these proposals and incorporating SPED centers' best practices may take a long time. But these schools in Cavite and Cebu could hopefully inspire other educational institutions to push the current limits of SPED in the Philippines. – Rappler.com

This story was produced under the ‘Media & PWID; Covering Stories on Capabilities and Contributions Media Training and Fellowship Program' by Probe Media Foundation and Unilab Foundation. 

Who is BIR regional director Jonas Amora?

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TOPNOTCH COLLECTOR. BIR regional director of Makati City Revenue Region 8 Jonas Amora was described as a 'dedicated public servant' in the bureau. Photo of Amora from PTV4

MANILA, Philippines – A high ranking Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) official was killed in an ambush on Monday, November 21. 

BIR regional director of Makati City Revenue Region 8 Jonas Amora was killed by two gunmen onboard a motorcycle while on his way to work with his driver Angelito Pineda.

The white Toyota Innova the victims were riding were repeatedly fired at while at the corner of Major Santos Dizon and Katipunan Avenue in Barangay Escopa 2 in Quezon City. Recovered inside the victim's vehicle was more than P360,000 ($7,212)* in cash. It was unclear how the money was found or what the circumstancs were.

Amora is the second government official working under the Department of Finance (DOF) killed in the past week.  

Bureau of Customs’ (BOC) Deputy Commissioner Arturo “Art” Lachica was also killed in an ambush on Thursday evening, November 17, along España Boulevard while on his way home from a conference in Manila. (READ: Who is Customs deputy commissioner Art Lachica?) 

The DOF has announced monetary rewards, funded by a private individual, for any leads on the masterminds of the killings of the government revenue officials from BOC and BIR. 

Topnotch tax collector 

According to BIR, 55-year-old Amora was a “dedicated public servant” and was not known to have any known enemies. 

A certified public accountant, the Anda, Bohol native started as a revenue examiner for BIR and rose from the ranks to become a regional director in Quezon City under former commissioner Kim Henares.  

Known as a “dogged workhorse but a very amiable person,” Amora showed consistent topnotch performance in collections and leadership.

He was later appointed BIR regional director in Makati where he managed revenue collection in the Philippines’ top financial and business center.  

A source knowledgeable about the bureau told Rappler that Amora was strict about compliance with requirements among employees and taxpayers alike.  

In 2012, for example, he helped increase revenues in Quezon City by strictly monitoring professionals and self-employed individuals.

Meanwhile, in 2014, former Dangerous Drugs Board (DDB) chairperson Antonio Villar Jr praised Amora for initiating a random drug test in BIR Makati as part of keeping a drug-free workplace. 

Killings not a deterrence

Commissioner Caesar Dulay said that the death of Amora will not deter the bureau from “doing its work if the intention was to sow fear among BIR employees.”

He, however, asked employees to be more vigilant. 

The DOF, meanwhile, strongly condemned the death of both Lachica and Amora, stating that it is now “in contact with the highest levels of the Philippine National Police to arrest the perpetrators of both murders.” 

It added that those who have any information relevant to the murders can contact DOF at at telephone numbers 523-9215 and 523-9219. – Rappler.com

*$1 = P49

7 years later: What happened to the Maguindanao massacre case?

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ONGOING CASE. Justice remains elusive for victims of the Maguindanao massacre. File photo by Ben Nabong/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) – After two presidents, the Philippines' worst case of election-related violence has yet to achieve closure. 

In 2009, then-Buluan vice mayor Esmael Mangudadatu challenged Andal Ampatuan Jr, a member of the powerful Ampatuan clan in Mindanao, for the position of governor.

His supporters, family, and members of the media were on their way to the provincial capitol for the filing of Mangudadatu's certificate of candidacy when the convoy was attacked. 58 people – including 32 journalists – were killed in Sitio Masalay, Barangay Salman, Ampatuan, Maguindanao.

November 23, 2016 marks the 7th year since the tragedy, which the Committee to Protect Journalists has called the single deadliest attack against the media.

But to date, no one has been convicted over the massacre. There are 197 accused in the case, and 106 remain on trial before the Regional Trial Court of Quezon City, Branch 221. But one of the main suspects, Ampatuan clan patriarch Andal Ampatuan Sr, had already died in July 2015.  

Former president Benigno Aquino III drew flak for failing to act quickly to resolve the case, with critics pointing out that he failed to do so within his 6-year term. (READ: 6 updates on Maguindanao massacre's 6th year

But with a new administration now in power, the families of the victims have pinned their hopes on President Rodrigo Duterte for a resolved case.

Presidential spokesman

Several days after Duterte's win in the May 2016 polls, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines expressed "serious misgivings" when it was announced that lawyer Salvador Panelo was to become Duterte's spokesman

In 2014, Panelo was hired as defense lawyer of Ampatuan Jr. He had been quoted in a Philippine Star article as saying that the Ampatuans were innocent, and that they were "framed to seize political power." 

He withdrew as legal counsel in 2015 as requested by his client due to “personal reasons.” (READ: Duterte's spokesman Salvador Panelo and his high-profile cases

But Panelo downplayed these concerns, saying in a May 2016 interview: "We will make sure that justice will be given to everyone under the law."  

He also said that the President was not the kind of man who could be easily influenced or one who was sought for favors.

Task force on media killings

In mid-July, Communications Secretary Martin Andanar said a presidential task force was set to be created to work on cases of killings involving members of the media.

Speaking over state-run radio dzRB, Andanar said that solving the Maguindanao massacre "has always been the cry of the people of the media and concerned quarters of the country."

"It's about time, and I believe that the current justice secretary also would agree with me, we should [look at] past cases and give justice to families who have been victimized by overdue process," he added. (READ: Task force on media killings to also tackle Maguindanao massacre)

In August, families of the Maguindanao massacre victims sought a dialogue with Duterte and urged him to speed up the resolution of the case.

Maguindanao Governor Esmael Mangudadatu said the kin of the victims wanted a statement of support from the President.

Mangudadatu added that Duterte, when he was still Davao City mayor, had even provided legal advice on pursuing the criminal cases against the perpetrators of the attack, according to a Philippine Star report.

Three months after Andanar's announcement, Duterte signed the administrative order creating the "Presidential Task Force on Violations of the Right to Life, Liberty and Security of the Members of the Media." 

The task force, chaired  by Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II and co-chaired by Andanar, is mandated to ensure a safe environment for members of the media.

Resolution soon?

In August, Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno said the 7-year-old case may soon be up for decision, with the trial reaching the tailend of the hearings. 

In an update released by the Supreme Court (SC) on Wednesday, November 23, a total of 232 witnesses have been heard by the court, involving 131 prosecution witnesses, 58 private complainants, and 43 defense witnesses.

All bail proceedings have been resolved, except for Ampatuan Jr, whose formal offer of evidence (FOE) was deemed submitted for resolution on October 14, 2016. The prosecution has already rested its case, and it is now the turn of the defense to present its evidence-in-chief.

Of the 9 accused who were the subject of the first batch of defense FOEs resolved by the Court on June 13, 2016, only one is still presenting defense evidence.

The second batch of defense FOEs, with 45 of the accused involved, has been resolved on November 15, 2016. The initial presentation of their defense evidence will start on January 19, 2017.

According to the SC update, only the following incidents are set to be resolved: the resolution of the bail application of Ampatuan Jr, and his subsequent trial-in-chief; the resolution of the remaining defense FOEs; and the conclusion of the presentation of defense evidence.

Once the parties have rested their cases, these will be submitted for the decision of the court.

The Supreme Court earlier released rules to speed up the massacre trial. Judge Jocelyn Solis Reyes of the Quezon City Regional Trial Court Branch 221 has been assigned to focus solely on the case, with 3 assisting judges handling minor motions and other pending cases in Reyes' court.

Seven years hence, accountability for the mass murders still has not been established. – Rappler.com

FOI to take effect on Nov 25: What you need to know

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EXCEPTIONS. PCOO Assistant Secretary Kris Ablan explains to the participants of the Open Data Workshop the list of exceptions to be adopted for the FOI executive order on November 23, 2016 at the Rappler HQ. Photo by Aika Rey/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – The public can start requesting for government documents and records in the executive branch as the Freedom of Information (FOI) Executive Order takes effect on Friday, November 25.

In an open data workshop, Presidential Communications and Operations Office (PCOO) Assistant Secretary Kristian Ablan detailed what the public can expect when the service rolls out on Friday.

Interested citizens can obtain official records by accomplishing forms or visiting the eFOI portal at foi.gov.ph.

On July 23, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the landmark Executive Order No. 2, giving the public access to government documents and records in the executive branch.

Under EO No. 2, each government agency should be able to come up with its own manuals which will serve as a guide on what the public can request and how.

Two days away from the launch, Ablan said they created a model People's FOI manual for agencies that are yet to finish their guides. The manuals should be available for download online by Friday.

Planning to request for data? Here's what you need to know:

Filing requests

The public can either go straight to the agency or do it online.

Straight to the agency

All you need to do is to accomplish the FOI Request Form and submit it to the agency concerned. The form can also be downloaded from the eFOI portal.

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Online via foi.gov.ph

According to Ablan, they want to save time attending to similar requests so they put up the FOI portal in such a way that data posted by the agencies are easily browsed or searched by concerned citizens.

When you visit foi.gov.ph, here's what you will find:

  1. Proactive disclosure of information. If the data you are looking for has been uploaded on the website or on data.gov.ph, there is no need to request anymore. It is ready for download.
  2. Transparency Seal. The button on all government websites that link you to their list of officials, charters, budgets, and financial statements among others.
  3. Browse requests. This feature allows the citizen to look for requests already filed so that same requests will not be filed over and over.

As of the moment, requests for data are limited to a few number of executive departments (see below) and their attached agencies, as others have cited budgetary constraints and the need for improved capacity to roll out online data by Friday.

  • Department of Finance (DOF)
  • Philippine National Police (PNP)
  • Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA)
  • National Archives
  • Presidential Communications and Operations Office (PCOO)
  • Department of Budget and Management (DBM)
  • Department of Health (DOH)
  • Department of Justice (DOJ)
  • Department of Transportation (DOTr)
  • Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT)

Ablan also reminds the public that only queries for the national offices will be entertained as local field offices are not yet included in the November 25 roll out.

"Hopefully 2nd quarter of 2017, we will be able to have a wider implementation of the EO FOI," he said.

Processing time

The executive order says that the concerned agency or office should be able to respond to requests within 15 working days.

If the request requires extensive search of government records, this could be extended for another 20 working days at most, provided that the individual is notified of the extension.

Requests denied can be appealed by the individual to the office or person next higher in authority by writing a written appeal within 15 working days since the notice of denial was issued. The receiving office should be able to respond within 30 working days.

Exceptions, grounds of denial

According to Ablan, requests that contain incomplete information or are already available online for download will no longer be entertained. 

The rest will have to go through the decision-making process of those in authority to release requested documents and records.

Ablan clarified that the 166 restrictions outlined in the draft manual will be reduced to about 11. He said that Right to Know, Right Now Coalition's set of exceptions will most likely be adopted. Here are the categories with exceptions:

  • Presidential communications privilege
  • Deliberative process privilege
  • National security
  • Foreign affairs
  • Law enforcement and regulation
  • Prejudicial premature disclosure
  • Personal safety
  • Privacy
  • Trade secrets and confidential information
  • Dispute resolution
  • Others

As of the moment, the final list of restrictions are yet to be signed. Ablan gave assurances that the list should be ready by Friday.

ARTA vs FOI

Ablan said that the public should not confuse FOI requests with Anti-Red Tape Act (ARTA) requests.

Under the ARTA, requests must be responded to by the concerned agency or officer within 5 working days, extendable to 10 working days at most. This provision is days shorter than what is prescribed in the FOI EO.

Ablan said that agencies should be able to distinguish an ARTA from an FOI request. "If it deals with the day-to-day ordinary course of the agencies, then the period is 5 days. If you are requesting for a data set on male births over the years, that should be an FOI request."

The first FOI bill was filed in 1992 by then Pangasinan first district representative Oscar Orbos. It's the first time in 24 years that the Philippine government is seeing the implementation of the FOI EO.

"Hopefully, the passage [of the Freedom of Information Executive Order] will pressure our legislators to pass the FOI Act as soon as possible," Ablan said.

Several lawmakers have refiled their version of the FOI in the 17th Congress. – Rappler.com

Things to know about Duterte's pet peeve ICC

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MANILA, Philippines – Before joining 20 other world leaders at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' Summit in Lima, Peru on November 17, President Rodrigo Duterte launched a tirade against the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Calling the tribunal “useless”, Duterte threatened to follow the action of his “idol” Russian President Vladimir Putin who formally withdrew his country’s signature from the founding statute of the ICC.  

The withdrawal, according to Russia’s foreign ministry, was appropriate as the court is “one-sided and inefficient”, and never really became truly independent. 

For Duterte, the ICC’s inability to help small countries like the Philippines is enough reason to pull out. He also cited human rights abuses in Syria and Iraq despite the ICC's existence. 

"Why? Tayo lang ang maliit na binugbog ng walang-hiya. Nagpatayan, it's by the thousands, bombing children, women (We small countries get beaten up by the fools. The killings, it's by the thousands, bombing children, women)," he said.

The ICC said that it is “closely following” Duterte’s intense anti-illegal drugs campaign due to alleged human rights violations. As of Wednesday, November 23, 4,942 suspected drug personalities have been killed in the war on drugs since July 1. (N NUMBERS: The Philippines' 'war on drugs’)

Despite the two leaders’ identical sentiments against the ICC, the two countries differ in one: Russia never ratified the treaty, while the Philippines did during the 15th Congress in 2011. 

What are the other important points to know about the ICC and how did the Philippines get involved with it?

How was the ICC established?

The ICC is the world’s first treaty-based permanent international criminal court. Its founding document is the Rome Statute that, among others, identifies jurisdiction and other rules on how to carry out prosecution.  

The Rome Statute was adopted by 120 states in 1998 and took effect in 2002 after at least 60 ratifications from various countries.

Its creation, according to the ICC website, stemmed from the many violations of international law during conflicts across the world, that were left unpunished . 

The Philippines became the 117th country to ratify the Rome Statute in 2011 when then president Benigno Aquino III signed the Instrument of Ratification. Congress then concurred in the same year. 

The late senator Miriam Defensor Santiago sponsored Senate Resolution No. 546 which pushed for the ratification of the Rome Statute.  

Santiago eventually became the first Filipino and first Southeast Asian to be elected ICC judge. Three years later in 2014, however, she stepped down without even assuming the position due to health reasons. She complained of chronic fatigue syndrome.

Former University of the Philippines (UP) College of Law dean Raul Pangalangan, meanwhile, was elected to the ICC in 2015. A delegate to the 1998 Rome conference, the Philippine government nominated Pangalangan based on his "established competence in international law."

What are the types of crimes covered by the ICC?

The court’s main goal is to “help put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, and thus to contribute to the prevention of such crimes.” 

These crimes, based on the Rome Statute, include genocide, crime against humanity, war crimes, and recently, crime of aggression. 

Genocide is having “specific intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, ethnic, racial or religious group” by killing its members, inflicting serious physical and mental harm, contributing to the physical destruction in whole or in part of a group, implementing ways to prevent births in the group, and forcibly transferring children from one group to another, among others.

Crimes against humanity, meanwhile, refer to serious violations that are part of a large-scale attack against a population. These crimes, according to the Rome Statute, include murder, rape, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, slavery, sexual slavery, torture, apartheid and deportation.

War crimes are identified as “grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions in the context of armed conflict.” These include, among others, the use of child soldiers, killing and torturing civilians and prisoners of war, attacks against hospitals, historical monuments, and other buildings specifically built for religion, art, education, science, and other charitable purposes.  

Crime of aggression refers to the use of the state of armed force against sovereignty, integrity, or independence of another state.  

INDEPENDENT. Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut, Judge Bertram Schmitt, Presiding Judge, and Judge Raul Cano Pangalangan of the Trial Chamber VII of the International Criminal Court. Photo from the ICC-CPI

When can the ICC intervene and how does it work?

Any state that ratified the Rome Statute automatically placed itself under the jurisdiction of the ICC. The UN Security Council, meanwhile, can also refer cases to the ICC such the cases of Sudan and Libya. 

As of March 2016, there are 124 state-parties to the ICC while 31 countries have signed, but are yet to ratify the Rome Statute (including the United States).

The ICC will act only when the national courts “are unable or unwilling to exercise jurisdiction.” The court, however, will not displace or overwrite the role of national courts but aims to complement it. 

It has 18 judges who are elected by the Assembly of State Parties. These judges oversee the diffferent stages of the proceedings which include the pre-trial, trial, and the appeal chambers. 

Once a case is referred to the ICC and is found to have sufficient evidence of committed crimes within its jurisdiction, a prosecutor will then begin an investigation. A state party, meanwhile, is required to assist and cooperate with the ICC in its investigations and other related processes. 

The ICC, however, does not have its own enforcement body or even a police authority. In making arrests and transfers of people to its detention center in The Hague, for example, the court needs the help of other countries.

Can countries withdraw from the ICC?

Yes, countries that may have signed and ratified the Rome Statute can still withdraw from the jurisdiction of the ICC. 

According to Article 127 of the Rome Statute, a state party can write to the secretary-general of the United Nations to express its desire to withdraw from the ICC. However, it will take effect one year only after the UN has received the letter. 

Criminal investigations and proceedings that are ongoing prior to the withdrawal will not be affected, requiring a state party to cooperate with the ICC.

Aside from Russia, 3 other countries have so far served a notice of pullout: Gambia, South Africa, and Burundi. Their withdrawals will take effect in late 2017.

Was the ICC able to convict anyone?

The ICC already handed down a guilty verdict in its more than 14 years of existence.

In 2012, at least 10 years since its establishment, the ICC released its first verdict. Militia leader Thomas Lubanga Dyilo of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was convicted of war crimes for using children under the age of 15 as soldiers. He was sentenced to 14 years, which he is currently serving in his home country. 

FIRST CONVICTION. The International Criminal Court in 2012 hands down its first conviction as Thomas Lubanga Dyilo is found guilty of the war crimes. Photo from ICC

German Katanga, meanwhile, was convicted of crimes against humanity and war crimes after attacking the village of Bogoro in DRC. He is facing 12 years of imprisonment, while possible reparations for victims are being decided upon by the ICC.

Just last September 2016, Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi was found guilty of the crime of intentionally directing attacks on 9 mausoleums and one mosque in Timbuktu, Mali in 2012. He is serving a 9-year sentence.

Other high-profile cases in the ICC include those involving former Sudanese president Omar Al Bashir and Joseph Kony of the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda, among others.

Al Bashir is facing 5 counts of crimes against humanity, two counts of war, and 3 counts of genocide. Two warrants of arrest were released in 2009 and in 2010, but he is yet to be taken into custody. He won the elections in 2010 and 2015.

Kony, meanwhile, faces 12 counts of crimes against humanity (murder, enslavement, sexual enslavement, rape, inhumane acts of inflicting serious bodily injury and suffering) and 21 counts of war crimes (cruel treatment of civilians, intentionally directing an attack against a civilian population, pillaging, inducing rape, forced enlisting of children). He remains at large.

As of November 2016, the ICC is investigating 10 situations, 10 are under preliminary examination, and 3 are ongoing trials. These crimes were mostly committed in Kenya, Uganda, Congo, Sudan, Kenya, and Central African Republic, among others. – Rappler.com

Koko Pimentel on De Lima: She can 'definitely' defend herself

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CONFIDENT. Senate President Aquilino Pimentel III expressed confidence that his former election lawyer, Senator Leila de Lima, can very well defend herself from allegations against her.

They might be on opposite ends of the political fence now but Senate President Aquilino Pimentel III still has some good words for his former lawyer, Senator Leila de Lima.

The Senate President was a former client of De Lima, who was then an election lawyer. She later won Pimentel’s election protest against former senator Juan Miguel Zubiri, who was proclaimed the 12th winning senator in 2007.

Alam mo si Leila (You know Leila), once upon a time was my lawyer. If she could prosecute my election offense, she can definitely defend herself. So kayang-kaya niya iyan (She can handle that),” Pimentel told reporters when asked for comment on the unrelenting accusations against De Lima.

With all the cases De Lima is facing, should De Lima take a leave of absence to avoid neglecting her legislative duties?

“I don’t think so, but that’s addressed to her. Kaya niya 'yan (She can do it),” Pimentel said.

He added: “Well, nabawasan trabaho niya. Naging co-chair na lang siya ng committee on electoral reforms. Kaya na niya 'yan (Well, her work was lessened. She is now just the co-chair of the committee on electoral reforms. She can handle it)."

De Lima is facing various drug charges before the Department of Justice, the Supreme Court, Ombudsman, and the Senate ethics panel.

Pimentel, however, was mum when asked if he believes the drug allegations against his former counsel. No less than President Rodrigo Duterte, his party mate, has accused the lady senator of being linked to illegal drugs.

No comment. Kasi kung ako rin naman nag-lawyer, don’t tell me 'yung kliyente ko kilala rin pagkatao ko, buong buhay ko (If I am the lawyer, don't tell me my client also fully knows my character, my whole life), Pimentel said, referring to his ties with De Lima.

On De Lima's photo with alleged drug lord Kerwin Espinosa in Baguio, Pimentel said it is normal for politicians to have pictures with random people.

For Pimentel, the photo does not prove De Lima’s links to Espinosa – contrary to the claims of Espinosa himself and Dayan.

“'Yung picture, kasi it doesn’t mean kakilala mo. Dami ko rin picture siguro sa mga taong di ko kakilala. I think it’s unfair to produce a picture and say dahil sa may picture ako, kakilala siya, pati trabaho, pati negosyo, lalo sa public place 'yung litrato," he said.

(A picture does not mean you know the other person. I, for sure, have pictures with people I do not know. I think it's unfair to produce a picture and say that just because I have a picture, I know the person in the picture, his work, his business – especially if the photograph was taken in public.)

"Mabuti sana kung conference room 'yun, maybe nagtagal doon na nag-usap (If it were a conference room, maybe they spent time there talking), but Burnham Park, that doesn’t prove anything,” he added. 

Espinosa claimed he gave P8 million to De Lima through Ronnie Dayan, De Lima's former security aide turned lover, for her campaign expenses. Dayan, meanwhile, alleged he received money from Espinosa for her former boss. De Lima has repeatedly denied any drug links, reiterating she does not know the Espinosas. (READ: Dayan, Espinosa: Who’s telling truth on drug money for De Lima?– Rappler.com


Newsbreak Voices: Jerico's Angel (Part 3)

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Listen to Part 1 and Part 2

MANILA, Philippines – Rumors are rife among the residents of Riverside about the events surrounding the deaths of Jerico Camitan and Erica Fernandez, even as investigators try to piece together the details behind the killings.

The cops earlier told Jerico's father had eliminated drugs as a motive, but the investigator assigned to the case later said that there was a 60% chance illegal drugs were involved, and a 40% chance a love triangle had been the cause.

Police are still investigating the incident, looking for witnesses. The investigator believes Jerico was the target and that “the woman” had been collateral damage.

10-minute listen. Written by Patricia Evangelista, read by Chay Hofileña, edited by Emerald Hidalgo. If you missed the full story, you can read the text story here. – Rappler.com

Private media not allowed at FOI portal, manual launch

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FOI LAUNCH. Only government media are allowed to cover the launch of the eFOI portal and presentation of FOI manuals. Screenshot from RTVM

Talk about freedom of information.

Private media were not allowed by Malacañang to cover an event meant to signify the Duterte administration's commitment to transparency and free flow of information.

The event, the launch of the Freedom of Information (FOI) online portal and presentation of FOI manuals, took place at 3 pm on Friday, November 25, the day President Rodrigo Duterte's FOI executive order takes effect.

The rule barring private journalists from attending the event came as a surprise to Palace reporters since the day before, Communications Assistant Secretary Kris Ablan verbally invited them during a press conference.

But before the launch began, only government media, like Radio Television Malacañang (RTVM) and PTV were allowed inside the venue, Heroes Hall in Malacañang.

Communications Secretary Martin Andanar admitted to reporters after the event that even he was surprised that there were no private media in the room.

He found out later from his staff that Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea had given instructions for only government media to be present.

Andanar emphasized that there was "no malice" in Medialdea's instructions.

Communications Assistant Secretary Mia Reyes, herself a former reporter, told Rappler that the invitation extended to private media was likely a case of "miscommunication." – Rappler.com 

 

Duterte's absences in summits: What we're missing

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COUNTRY'S TOP DIPLOMAT. President Rodrigo Duterte participates in the general dialogue at the APEC Leaders' Summit in Lima, Peru on November 19. Photo by Simeon Celi Jr/Presidential Photo

President Rodrigo Duterte has so far been dismissive, if not outright disdainful, of international summits and his participation in them.

“I was not able to attend the socials because I wanted the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, I wanted to promote his acting career,” he joked during a press conference in Lima, Peru, on the last day of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit. 

He was explaining why he was a no-show at the APEC gala dinner hosted by Peruvian President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and at the traditional “family photo” of heads of state the next day. (READ: Duterte skips APEC family photo session, meetings)

MISSING DUTERTE. Foreign Secretary Perfecto Yasay Jr stands in for President Duterte during the traditional APEC 'family photo' of heads of state. Photo from PPD

“I’m promoting the movie career of Yasay. I said, you be the actor, you sit with the [other leaders],” Duterte repeated in Davao City on Thursday, November 24. 

If one believes that jokes are half-meant, the President’s joke clues you in on his opinion of international summits. Is diplomacy just a form of acting for Duterte? (READ: Why Duterte needs to act like a diplomat)

In fact, Duterte at first was unsure of even attending the APEC Summit, citing his aversion to long-haul flights. He had to be persuaded by Cabinet members to attend.

Next year, Duterte will himself host an international conference, namely the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit and related summits.

As host, it will be his duty to welcome other heads of state, lead ceremonies, and set the tone for meetings and social functions.

What kind of host will Duterte be?

Duterte's 'excuses'

Duterte gave more than one reason for his absence from APEC events.

At the Peru press conference on the Summit's last day, he said it was due to jetlag. 

Alam mo kung bakit? Jet lag… Sabi ko, it’s not good to be somebody with ‘yung mga greats ng convention tapos ako nakapikit ang mata,” Duterte told journalists. 

(You know why? Jet lag... I said, it's not good to be with the greats of the convention and then my eyes are shut.)

Then in Davao City, Duterte gave a different reason for his absence. He supposedly had a bad stomach that might have made him “explode” any time.

Saan ninyo ako gustong magpuririt (Where do you want me to release)? Doon sa stage o doon sa... (There in the stage or there in...) the hotel was just about 10 minutes away. Well, my stomach was not good. And I could have exploded anytime,” Duterte told reporters on Thursday, November 24, while visiting the grave of his father.

Duterte also skipped the ASEAN East Asia-US Summit last September. While the "official" reason from Malacañang was that he suffered from a migraine, in Manila, Duterte admitted he missed the Summit “on purpose” and “as a matter of principle.”

Duterte’s missed opportunity

But what does it matter if the Philippine President misses some events at an international summit?

Long-time diplomat and former Permanent Representative to the UN Lauro Baja Jr says Duterte should not take events like APEC gala dinners and photo sessions for granted.

“Summits like these are the highest form of diplomacy because you meet with other leaders of government and heads of state. It’s not so much the agenda in the international conferences as the goodwill and the network you are able to establish with your counterparts with other countries,” Baja told Rappler on November 25.

Dinners and photo sessions, though outside formal functions like meetings, are imbued with significance and present golden opportunities for new leaders like Duterte.

“It’s the informal discussions, corridor diplomacy, cafeteria diplomacy that counts. If you miss this opportunity, you create a perception that the Philippines is not taking seriously those conferences,” said the former diplomat.

Social functions at international summits are a chance to get more information from other leaders.

“As somebody said, ‘I regret that I have only one stomach to give to my country’ – because you really have to eat and drink just to be in good conversation with your peers, and to get some information from them,” seasoned diplomat and former senator Leticia Ramos Shahani told Rappler in a previous interview. 

Baja said Duterte’s conspicuous absence in the APEC family photo gives a “negative impression” that could reflect on the Philippines.

“It goes beyond the photo session because I think if you are not there, you give a negative impression to the international community. Imagine everyone (heads of state) is there, but it’s only the foreign secretary present. This photo opportunity, although it’s just a photo, is part and parcel of the conference,” he said. 

Experiencing jet lag or not feeling well are not acceptable excuses to miss events at international summits, he said.

“Being sick or being under the weather is not really a valid excuse for non-attendance. One must remember that other Asian leaders also have jet lag problems but were still present,” said Baja.

Duterte should be embracing his role as diplomat now more than ever because of his hosting responsibilities next year. – Rappler.com

The House's 'climax' congressmen: Who are they?

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IRRELEVANT QUESTIONS. Ilocos Norte Representative Rodolfo Fariñas, Capiz Representative Fredenil Castro, 1-Ang Edukasyon Representative Salvador Belaro Jr, and Kabayan Representative Harry Roque all asked questions ranging from whether what was between Dayan and De Lima was “true love” to when the two entered the “climax” of their relationship.

MANILA, Philippines – Lawmakers in the House of Representatives crossed the line on Thursday, November 24, as they pounded Ronnie Dayan with questions about his intimate relationship with his former employer Senator Leila de Lima. 

The former aide and ex-lover of De Lima faced the House committee on justice two days after he was arrested in La Union. He has been accused of being De Lima's bagman in the illegal drug trade. 

Netizens were quick to criticize legislators who asked Dayan |irrelevant questions that sought to bring out juicy details about their relationship, but which had nothing to do with the issue they were supposedly investigating. (READ: Netizens on Dayan, De Lima questions: 'Papa Jack', 'crossing the line’)

Ilocos Norte Representative Rodolfo Fariñas, Capiz Representative Fredenil Castro, 1-Ang Edukasyon Representative Salvador Belaro Jr, and Kabayan Representative Harry Roque all asked inane questions that ranged from whether what Dayan and De Lima had was “true love” to when the two entered the “climax” of their relationship. (READ: 'Kailan kayo nag-climax?': Nonsense questions at the Bilibid drugs hearing)

Duterte ally Deputy Speaker Gwendolyn Garcia defended her colleagues, saying that the questions were important to establish De Lima's links in the drug trade. 

But it was still possible to investigate De Lima’s alleged involvement in the drug trade without having to ask Dayan to divulge private and intimate details about their relationship. Several lawmakers were able to do so. 

For example, Leyte 3rd District Representative Vicente Veloso refused to dwell on the relationship during the hearing. "Ayokong makialam doon. Wala kaming pakialam sa relasyon 'nyo ni Senator Leila de Lima.” (I don't want to interfere there. We don't care about your relationship with Senator Leila de Lima.)

Who are these legislators who asked questions the hearing could have done without? 

Ilocos Norte Representative Rodolfo Fariñas

During the hearing, House Majority Leader Rodolfo Fariñas asked Dayan the typhoon signal that approximates his relationship with De Lima.

The Representative of the 1st district of Ilocos Norte asked: "Noong mga panahon na 'yan, malakas pa 'yung pag-iibigan 'nyo ni Secretary or humina na ...Ano ibig sabihin ng signal number 1? Para lang makita ko 'yung scale, ano ba pinakamataas na signal na inabot 'nyo? Ano ang pinakasukdulan at pinakamataas na signal na inabot ‘nyo?” (During those times, was your love with the Secretary still strong or had it already weakened?...What does signal number 1 mean? Just so I could see the scale, what was the highest signal that you two reached? What was the peak and the highest signal that you two reached?)

Fariñas graduated from the Ateneo Law School in 1978 after 7 years. In a Newsbreak piece first published in 2011, his prolonged stay at the Ateneo was because of then law dean Fr Joaquin Bernas, who allegedly thought the scion of a rich Ilocano family was “making a mockery” of the school’s standards. 

Fariñas' first foray into politics was in 1980 when he became the youngest mayor in the history of Laoag City. In 1986, he became governor and held the spot for 10 years before finally joining the House of Representatives in 1998.

His life, however, was not without issue.  

Fariñas was allegedly an abusive husband when his wife, former beauty queen Maria Theresa Carlson, was still alive. According to a 2001 Newsbreak piece, abuse allegedly started as early as the late 1980s. 

The Ilocano politician vehemently denied these allegations and claimed all were spread by detractors wanting to destroy his reputation.  

In 1996, however, Carlson accused her husband of domestic abuse during an interview with the Probe Team. But a week later, she took back everything she said when she appeared in Magandang Gabi Bayan with Fariñas. 

In 2001, Carlson leaped to her death from the 23rd floor of a condominium in Greenhills, San Juan City. A Philippine Star report said she and her maid went to Malacañang hours before her death to give then president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo a video tape allegedly showing Fariñas hurting one of their children.

Her death inspired Task Force Maria which supported the passage of Republic Act 9262 or the Anti-Violence against Women and their Children Act in 2004. 

Capiz Representative Fredenil Castro

One of the questions House Deputy Speaker Fredenil Castro asked during the hearing with Dayan included: ”Ito ay ginawa sapagka't tapat ang iyong damdamin kaySecretary De Lima.Ang ibig mo bang sabihin sa pagdinig na ito na ang iyong relasyon kay Secretary De Lima ay hindi lamang upang saluhan siya na magtampisaw sa pagmamahalan kung hindi siya ay saluhan din sa pagpawi ng init ng katawan?" (You did it because what you felt for Secretary De Lima was true. Are you saying in this hearing that your relationship with Secretary De Lima was meant to not just frolic with her in love but also in lust?) 

A long-time voice of Capiz in the House, Castro has served for at least 13 years in Congress. He was first elected legislator in 2001 and served for 3 terms until 2010. 

Due to term limits, his wife Jane took over the position from 2010 to 2013.

Castro once again gained a seat in the House in 2013 and was elected again in the 2016 elections.

The 65-year-old is a lawyer by profession. A graduate from San Beda College College, Castro was admitted to the Philippine Bar in 1976.  

Among the bills he authored is the reimposition of the death penalty, lowering the minimum age of criminal responsibility, and the anti-dynasty bill.

1-Ang Edukasyon Representative Salvador Belaro Jr

During the hearing, Salvador Belaro Jr of 1-Ang Edukasyon asked Dayan: "Palakas nang palakas hanggangintensity 5.Kailan kayo nag-climax? Intensity 5, anong year?" (Your love became stronger and stronger until it hit intensity 5. When did you reach climax? Intensity 5, what year?) 

His line of questioning, however, appears to depart from his party-list group's goal of “meaningful changes in our educational system.” 

Before 1-Ang Edukasyon, Belaro was a nominee for Oragaon, a sectoral group for Bicolanos, in 2010. The party-list group failed to get enough votes to secure a seat that year.

Besides a law degree from the University of the Philippines’ College of Law, the neophyte legislator also holds a masters of law degree from Cornell University. 

Just like De Lima, Belaro is a lawyer who hails from Camarines Sur. He was previously a Commissioner of Bar Discipline of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP) and headed the St Dominic Savio College of Law. 

Kabayan Representative Harry Roque 

Lawyer Harry Roque represents Kabalikat ng Mamamayan (KABAYAN) in the House. His party list hopes to contribute to the “full realization of the economic, social and cultural rights of all Filipinos, particularly the marginalized.”

Prior to entering Congress, Roque handled high-profile cases with the Center for International Law (CenterLaw) – cases of families of the Maguindanao Massacre victims, of slain journalist and environmental activist Gerry Ortega, of slain transgender Jennifer Laude, among others.

Roque was also the lawyer of at least 70 members of the Malaya Lolas group composed of victims of rape and sexual slavery during the Japanese Occupation. 

But during the hearing on Thursday, November 24, Roque’s line of questioning focused on De Lima’s alleged “frailties of a woman.” 

He asked Dayan: “Pinagsamantalahan mo ba itong si Leila de Lima nung nagkaroon kayo ng relasyon? Siya ba ay naging mukhang maselan noong kayo ay nagkaroon ng relasyon? Sa tingin mo ba pinagsamantalahan mo ang kahinaan ni Leila de Lima bilang isang babae noong kayo ay nagkaroon ng relasyon? Nung sinabi mong hindi mo pinagsamantalahan ang kanyang kahinaan bilang babae, ano ang ibig mong sabihin?" (Did you take advantage of Leila de Lima when you had a relationship? Did she seem tender to you when you started your relationship? Do you think that you took advantage of Leila de Lima's weakness as a woman when you had a relationship? When you said that you did not take advantage of her weakness as a woman, what did you mean?) 

He also told De Lima’s ex-lover: "Napakahilig mo naman magsalat." (You're very fond of caressing.) – Rappler.com

Duterte's nod to Marcos burial 'painful for Mindanaoans'

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DIVISIVE ISSUE. Ateneo assistant professor Lisandro Claudio says the divisive Marcos burial case is painful for Mindanaoans, because many martial law atrocities were committed in Mindanao. Photo by Katerina Francisco/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – The surprise burial of the late Ferdinand Marcos last week triggered an outpouring of rage from martial law victims, university communities, and other sectors protesting the dictator's burial at the final resting place of the country's heroes and martyrs. (IN PHOTOS, VIDEOS: A night of rage, camaraderie, and purpose)

But there is one other group feeling the anger and hurt over the burial, which had been a campaign promise– and now a reality – made by President Rodrigo Duterte. 

"The Marcos period, for many of the Mindanaoans who remembered, was a very painful period, and my suspicion is that for some of them, it might be painful for the first Mindanaoan president to bury the man who caused so much harm and destruction for their region," said Lisandro Claudio, assistant professor of development studies at Ateneo de Manila University. (READ: Young Moro professionals 'decry' Marcos burial at Libingan

Claudio said that a lot of atrocities during Marcos' ironfisted rule were committed in Mindanao. Just two years after Marcos declared Martial Law in 1974, the town of Jolo was burned down in an attempt to launch an offensive against the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). 

According to the book, "The Philippines People, Poverty and Politics" by Leonard Davis, a total of 703 people were considered desaparecidos or victims of forced disappearances between 1977 to 1985.

Of this number, Mindanao accounted for 63.3% of the victims, with 445 reported missing. During the same period, 1,511 Mindanaoans were also victims of extra-judicial killings.

In an opinion piece in the Inquirer, University of the Philippines-Diliman chancellor Michael Tan wrote: "The war with the Muslims continued through the years, with the martial law regime using divide-and-rule tactics, fanning prejudice and hostility between Christians and Muslims. The Ilaga was only one of many fanatical paramilitary groups that emerged in Mindanao, fighting not just Muslims but also Christians suspected of being communists." 

Reaction of the Left

Duterte's decision to allow a Marcos burial has also driven a wedge between the Duterte government and the Philippine Left.

Just a day after the Marcos burial, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) slammed the President and urged him to "reverse" the burial and correct a "historical wrong."

"In ordering the [Armed Forces of the Philippines] to give Marcos hero's honors, Duterte is proving himself a rotten trapo (traditional politician) who has no qualms working with the worst of the bureaucrat capitalists and gives premium to paying political debt and political loyalties even to the detriment of the people's aspirations for historical and social justice," the CPP said. 

In recent months, the CPP has been enjoying better relations with the government, with both sides currently exploring peace talks to end the longest-running insurgency in Asia. 

Claudio said the CPP is balancing its current position of being close to the Duterte administration – with Cabinet posts even offered to them – and their historical opposition to the Marcos regime.

"They're trying to balance it, their alliance with President Duterte who has allowed the Marcos burial, and their very long tradition of being one of the, if not the pre-eminent, anti-Marcos movement in the Philippines," he said.

Claudio also pointed out that if the Duterte administration wants peace with the CPP and the MNLF, it should look at what had prompted these movements to mobilize in the first place.

"MNLF emerged as a reaction to Marcos. So if you really want to repair damage with the MNLF and the CPP, it's also good to acknowledge why they're fighting to begin with. President Duterte wants peace. So a good question to ask is, when did the CPP start fighting? When did the MNLF start fighting? And it can be traced back to the Marcos period," he said.

Asked if the Left might play a smaller part in the opposition against the burial, Claudio acknowledged that the role of the anti-Marcos movements as a whole might be diluted because of the people's clamor for unbiased motives.

"The anti-Marcos movements, as a whole, might be diluted kasi ang gusto ng mga tao ngayon ay yung walang guhitan, walang kulay, walang dilaw, walang pula, katotohanan lamang," he said.

(The anti-Marcos movements, as a whole, might be diluted because what people want nowadays is no lines drawn, no political color, no yellow, no red, just the truth.) – Rappler.com

After Marcos burial, what now? 'Keep talking, keep issue alive'

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ANTI-MARCOS RALLY. Protesters gather at the People Power Monument on November 23, 2016 for the Shadows of Martial Law: Nights and Culture. Photo by Alecs Ongcal/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – A week since the surprise burial of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the Heroes' Cemetery, the show of anger and opposition has not died down. 

More rallies are planned in the coming days, with organizers calling for nationwide mobilizations to put pressure on the government to reverse what they called a "sneaky" burial fit for a thief. (READ: Post-Marcos burial rage: Rallies to go on until Nov 30

Within hours after news of the burial spread last November 18, thousands of students began mobilizing in different parts of the country. In Quezon City, students from the Ateneo de Manila University, University of the Philippines, and Miriam College crowded Katipunan Avenue, holding placards declaring Marcos not a hero, and later trooping to the EDSA People Power Monument to join other groups protesting the burial.  

But can these protests be sustained, or are they just one-off movements? For Lisandro Claudio, assistant professor of development studies at Ateneo, the current anti-Marcos movement is still weak outside the community of universities. But he added that this was also how the original movement back in the 70s started, before the anti-Marcos sentiment got widespread support and galvanized the Filipino people.

Claudio also pointed out that contrary to claims of the pro-Marcos groups, the burial of the late dictator remains a current concern, and is beyond more than the issue of a former president's burial.

"What needs to be emphasized here is that this issue is live, not in the past. The Marcoses have a lot of money in their Swiss bank accounts, and it can still be returned to the Philippines, and I think that's what's crucial," he said in a mix of Filipino and English. (READ: Were it not for Marcos, Filipinos today would have been richer)

"If it were in the past it wouldn't impact us now, but it impacts us now because if billions of dollars come back to the Philippines, the result is you can fund so many things, like the infrastructure projects of President Duterte, so we're directly affected by it," he added.

Claudio also said that the massive debt incurred during the Marcos years continues to stunt the country's development. (READ: Marcos years marked 'golden age' of PH economy? Look at the data)

Keep talking, discussing

How strong is the sentiment against the Marcoses? Claudio acknowledged that the opposition groups are at a disadvantage, especially on social media, but he encourages students and the youth to keep talking and discussing to keep the issue alive.

"I tell my students, 'Wag kayo mawalan ng pag-asa kung ngayon medyo dehado, medyo talo, just keep talking to people.' Wag maging elitista, wag lang kausapin yung mga taong kagaya ninyo, kundi lumabas kayo dyan at makipag-usap kayo tungkol sa kung ano talaga nangyari noong panahon na iyon," he said.

(I tell my students, 'Don't lose hope if for now it looks like we're at a disadvantage, we're losing, just keep talking to people. Don't be elitist, don't just talk to people like yourselves, but go out and talk to everyone else about what really happened during those years.)

"Maybe nothing will happen this year, nothing will happen next year, but we have to play the long term in terms of correcting that kind of historical revisionism," he added.

Claudio also noted that the divisiveness of the issue involving the Marcoses may have been affected, in part, by perceptions of elitism among the anti-Marcos crowd, especially academics. 

But while he admitted that academics may not have reached out enough to connect to the people, he stands by the work and research of the many historians on the impact of the Marcos years and Martial Law regime.

"While humihingi kami ng paumanhin for our elitism, naninindigan kami na totoo ang aming pananaliksik," he said. (While we're asking for forgiveness for our elitism, we stand by the truthfulness of our research.)

Forgive the Marcoses?

To those telling martial law victims to "move on" and let the issue rest, Claudio pointed out that the Marcoses have never acknowledged or apologized for the human rights abuses and plundering of government coffers during their rule.

"Kung ikaw na-torture, ikaw nakulong, kung nawalan ka ng kapamilya noong panahong iyon, masyadong masakit 'atang mag-move on lang kung nangyari sa'yo...Willing ka bang mag-move on, di pa naman nag-sorry ang Marcos family at di pa nagkakaroon ng truth and reconciliation?"

(If you had been tortured, arrested, or had lost a family member during those years, it's painful to just move on...Are you willing to move on when the Marcoses have not apologized and we have not yet achieved truth and reconciliation?)

The divisive issue of allowing the dictator to be buried at the heroes' cemetery has also returned to the spotlight the Marcos family and their resurgence in Philippine politics. Anti-Marcos groups are worried that the Supreme Court's favorable decision on the burial may hint at its possible decision on another pending court case– the election protest filed by former senator Ferdinand Marcos "Bongbong" Jr against Vice President Leni Robredo. (READ: Marcos Jr: Watch out, I'll be back!)

But Claudio said that for the pro-Marcos groups exhorting people to "move on", it would not be in their best interests to steal the vice presidency from Robredo.

"For people asking for unity, to unseat someone voted by so many Filipinos...to unseat someone so unceremoniously, I think it will just cause a greater divide in our country. So if you want to move on, then move on to 2022," he said.

Not strategic move

Claudio pointed out that it was also not strategic for the Marcoses to revive the controversial burial of the late dictator if they continue to harbor aspirations for a return to Malacañang.

"What the family really did by insisting on the burial is dig up the problem, dig up the discussion. So I don't think it was strategic for them because if they want the presidency in 2022, they should have kept quiet and refrained from reviving the issue and what happened during the Marcos years," he said.

"But now, it's out in the open again. I think maybe in the short term they think they will not take a hit, but in the long run, while we continue to talk about this issue, it's going to be bad for the Marcos name," he added. – Rappler.com

DFA employee probed over Hajj passport scam

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MANILA, Philippines – A long-time contractual employee of the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) is facing investigations over his alleged involvement in issuing fake Philippine travel documents to Muslim foreigners who want make a pilgrimage to Mecca.

Khalid Ali Mapandi, who worked at the DFA passport division, used to be the agency's "focal person" for Hajj passports, according to DFA Assistant Secretary Frank Cimafranca, head of the DFA's Office of Consular Affairs (OCA).

Mapandi is being investigated by the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) for his alleged involvement in the Hajj passport scam, Pasay City Prosecutor Benjamin Lanto said.

Lanto is expecting the NBI to soon submit a complaint against Mapandi, so that he can conduct a preliminary investigation and, if warranted, file a case in court.

He added that pilgrimage leaders, called sheikhs, face charges over the Hajj passport scam as well.

Within the DFA, too, Mapandi is set to face an internal investigation.

In an interview with Rappler, Cimafranca said the DFA also transferred Mapandi from the passport division to the OCA's information section.

Rappler is still trying to reach Mapandi for comment as of posting time. We wrote Cimafranca's office for help in reaching Mapandi on November 24. We also called the OCA's Administrative Services Unit to reach Mapandi on November 25, and left a contact number with the office. 

Mapandi's name surfaced after Philippine authorities detained 177 Indonesian pilgrims for carrying fake Hajj passports from the Philippines.

The pilgrims had attempted to leave for Saudi Arabia on August 18, but because they couldn't speak any Philippine language or dialect, immigration officials held their tickets and passports.

After this issue erupted, the DFA eventually stopped issuing Hajj passports as decided by the Cabinet.

Hajj passport 101

The Hajj is the required pilgrimage of Muslims to Mecca, the holiest place in Islam. Each adult Muslim is required to perform the Hajj at least once in his or her life. 

Unfortunately, not all Filipino Muslims in Mindanao could perform the Hajj using regular passports, Cimafranca said. 

This is because many of them, especially the elderly, lack birth certificates.

"If you are familiar with the places in Mindanao, the delivery of basic services in, for instance, remote municipalities in Basilan or Sulu, or even in Maguindanao, is very poor," Cimafranca said in a mix of English and Filipino.

This was where the Hajj passports came in. 

A Hajj passport was a special travel document issued to Filipino Muslim pilgrims who wanted to perform the Hajj, but could not produce documents such as a birth certificate.

'Very restricted' passport

When the DFA still issued this travel document, it was easier for Filipino Muslims to get a Hajj passport than a regular passport. 

For example, those applying for a Hajj passport did not need to present a birth certificate, just a certificate of tribal affiliation from the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos (NCMF).

The certificate of tribal affiliation certifies that a person belongs to a certain tribe. (For regular passports, the DFA does not accept these documents in place of birth certificates, Cimafranca said.)

Cimafranca said a Hajj passport was also cheaper. If a regular passport, for instance, would cost P500 ($10), a Hajj passport would only be worth P50 ($1).

"It was an accommodation given to our brother Muslims," he said. 

MUSLIM PILGRIMAGE. Muslim pilgrims from around the world circle around the Kaaba at the Grand Mosque in Mecca on September 14, 2016. Photo by Ahmad Gharabli/AFP

Cimafranca explained that the Philippines has been issuing Hajj passports since the late 1960s.

He said, however, that the phrase "Hajj passport" is a misnomer.

"It's not a passport in the strict sense of the word, because a passport is a travel document that you can use for travel anywhere you want to go. But this Hajj passport is actually a special travel document," he said.

The DFA official explained that the Hajj passport was "very restricted."

He said it could only be used for one return journey to Saudi Arabia and only during the Hajj season, which falls on different dates each year, depending on sightings of the moon. The Hajj pilgrimage this year was scheduled from September 9 to 14.

Cimafranca added that a Hajj passport was valid only for a year. There was a time that it was valid only for 6 months.

"You cannot use it use it for any other purpose," Cimafranca said.

How it was abused 

How the Hajj passport was abused can be explained by the "law of supply and demand," Cimafranca said.

He pointed out that Saudi Arabia can only admit a certain number of pilgrims to Mecca each year. 

Up to two million Muslim pilgrims perform the Hajj annually.

Cimafranca said that if Saudi Arabia's limit is two million pilgrims for a particular Hajj season, it will apportion two million slots to different countries "depending maybe on the population of the country."

The Philippines, where Muslims comprise a minority, was allowed to send 8,000 pilgrims to Mecca this year.

Cimafranca said that by June 30 this year, however, the Philippines was only able to fill up around 4,000 out of 8,000 slots.

In contrast, he said Indonesia – with 205 million people or 88% of the population identifying as Muslims – easily runs out of slots in its Hajj quota. 

Indonesia's Hajj quota was 168,800. All the slots had been used up.

Given the Hajj quota system, Cimafranca said an Indonesian will have to wait for 15 to 20 years before getting a slot for the Hajj.

Cimafranca said: "If they learn, for example, that the Philippines has an excess in its quota, so you have a demand and you have a supply. There's a demand from outside of the country, and there's a supply that we have." 

"And the situation," he said, "is being exploited by unscrupulous people and enterprising individuals. And these are usually the recruiters, called sheikhs," he said.

Indonesians reportedly paid illegal travel agencies anywhere between $5,800 to $9,900 dollars, an amount that covered fake Hajj passports.

Mapandi: DFA's 'liaison' with NCMF

Cimafranca said the DFA is still looking into how exactly the Hajj passport scam was perpetrated. He said he does not want to preempt the investigation.

What he knew was that Mapandi was the DFA's "liaison" with the NCMF. 

"It's his job to really ensure that the documents from the NCMF, brought by the applicants, are authentic," he said. 

Cimafranca added that Mapandi had "access" to officials from the NCMF. 

Asked about the DFA's possible shortcomings, he said that "the person who is supposed to appreciate the documents may have been negligent in processing it."

He said the processor, for one, could have confirmed if the applicant is Filipino by speaking to him or her in local languages. 

The problem, however, is if the applicant is Tausug, for example, and the interviewer is Maranao. "He can no longer communicate in the Tausug language because he is Maranao," the DFA official said.

In other words, he said, the DFA lacks interviewers well versed in all languages used in Mindanao. "That is our deficiency," he said.

He said this is why the DFA has "to really rely" on the NCMF for authentic documents. 

Asked if the NCMF has shortcomings that led to the Hajj passport scam, Cimafranca said, "Malaki." (A big one.)

This would not have happened, he said, if the NCMF did not issue faulty certificates of tribal affiliation. 

Lanto said investigators have been waiting for Mapandi to explain his side. He said the NBI has subpoenaed Mapandi and has required him to submit an affidavit by December 4 or 5.

In the meantime, those who used fake Hajj passports remain, in the words of Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi, as "victims of organized crime."

Marsudi said: "I emphasize that the 177 pilgrims are victims. Once again, they are the victims." – Rappler.com

We will update this story with Mapandi's statement once it is available.

$1 = P49.85


How Duterte lost his 'freedom' when he won the presidency

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SAN BEDA ALUMNI. President Rodrigo Duterte attends the San Beda law alumni homecoming on November 26, 2016. Photo by Robinson Ninal/Malacañang Photo
While it has made him the most powerful Filipino, winning the presidency has also turned Rodrigo Duterte into a "prisoner," he lamented before fellow San Beda law graduates at their homecoming on Saturday, November 26.

Answering a few questions that he himself asked, Duterte said he is not happy that he is president, and he regrets the top post "to a certain extent."

"Kasi ang trabaho ko diyan (Because of the nature of my work), I am like a prisoner actually. Nasa likod ko palagi police (The police is always behind me)," he said, referring to his aides. "Bigyan mo lang ako ng handcuffs pareho na ako [sa preso]. Wala akong freedom (Give me handcuffs and I'd be the same as a prisoner. I have no freedom). You lose entirely your private life," he explained.

The President also referred to his loss of freedom to act as he normally would without public censure. While he has not given any indication that he will tone down his colorful public language, he seems to be more aware of the consequences of making off-color jokes and gestures.

Duterte, who himself has said he often makes funny remarks to lighten the mood of the audience he's addressing, made a joke about getting good grades if San Beda admitted women during his time. He then segued to a joke he had made about Vice President Leni Robredo's knees, during the third anniversary of Super Typhoon Yolanda, which drew criticism even from the Vice President herself.

Apparently aware of the negative comments on such a joke – which didn't deter him from repeating it – Duterte added, "Ang problema, itong modern times and the living past, lahat na lang bawal (The problem with these modern times and the living past, everything is prohibited)."

Just to show how much of a "jokester" he is, the President said he would sometimes use his folder to hit the behind of his lady police aides.

"E ako palabiro ako. Pati 'yung mga babae na pulis pinaghahampas ko ang puwet, ginaganyan ko, diyan sa Malacanang. 'Pag mainit ang ulo ko, dala ko folder ko (I'm a joker. Even the female cops, I hit them on their behind. I do it like this, in Malacañang. When I'm angry and I'm holding a folder)," he said, motioning as if hitting someone.

The President then again blamed the West, this time for making life less enjoyable because of its standards on political correctness.

"Sinobrahan kasi nitong Western mores, sumobra ang mga putang-ina niya. Totoo. Nawalan na tuloy ng gana ang buhay natin (These Western mores are too much, son of a bitch. True. It sucked out our zest for life)," he said.

The public had a taste of Duterte's irreverence even during the campaign, when he cursed Pople Francis for causing a traffic jam in Metro Manila when the then Davao City mayor was in town; and when he made a controversial rape joke involving a slain Australian missionary. – Rappler.com

Oplan Cyber Tokhang on Facebook: ‘Extrajudicial reporting’

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MANILA, Philippines – At the tailend of November, allegedly after its community standards were violated, Facebook suspended several pages and accounts critical of the Duterte administration and the hero’s burial given to the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

The account of journalist Inday Espina-Varona was suspended earlier this week, ironically, after reaching out to the social network to raise some issues about online abuse. Facebook pages, The Philippine Daily and Silent No More were also subsequently suspended, allegedly after a "flurry of reports" against them on the social media platform.

Other lesser known accounts were also reportedly taken down, only to be granted access again.

The series of suspensions in a span of one week raised concerns among netizens about security online. They also sparked discussions on the right to free speech and the reliability of Facebook's moderation system.

It didn’t take long for word to spread that Oplan TokHang, an important component of the government’s war against drugs, had reached online spaces in the form of "Oplan Cyber Tokhang".

Declaration of war

The term was coined by a group of netizens who called themselves "Duterte Cyber Warriors".

On October 31, the Manila Times published a story entitled, "Senators declare war on ‘trolls’" which said that Senators Paolo Benigno "Bam" Aquino and Leila de Lima had called for concrete actions against fake accounts and the spread of manufactured news on social media.

One of President Rodrigo Duterte’s staunch supporters on social media, Leollard Riyoh, also known as Mr Riyoh on Facebook, eventually released a video declaring a social media war against the "Yellow Army", a derogatory reference to supporters of the Liberal Party, of which both Aquino and De Lima are members.

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Kung digmaan talaga ang gusto ng mga ‘yellow garbage,’ sige, lubus-lubusin na natin,” he said in the video. (If it’s really war that the "yellow garbage" wants, then let’s go all out.)

In the video, Riyoh anointed active supporters of President Duterte on social media as "Duterte Cyber Warriors" and invited them to join a private group called Duterte Cyber Warriors-Oplan Cyber Tokhang, where they would discuss their "missions" online. IT experts and programmers meanwhile, were invited to join their special operations, headed by the anonymous Salim Mcdoom, touted by the warriors as a hacker and a tech expert.

We were able to join the said private group, which was created on November 2. It had 3 administrators: Riyoh, Salim Mcdoom, and a certain Marie Taray. 

Members of the group were initially strictly filtered; fake accounts were blocked. The group had as many as 20,000 members. The administrators repeatedly advised their members to refrain from sharing their private discussions in more public fora.

'Oplan Cyber Tokhang'

“TokHang” or Tukhang is an operation first introduced in Davao, where cops knocked on the doors of suspected drug users and dealers to persuade them to stop using or peddling drugs. "TokHang" is a contraction of Visayan words "toktok" (knock) and "hangyo" (request) and is now a popular term in Duterte’s war on drugs.

Oplan Cyber Tokhang, meanwhile, is two-pronged: its main purpose is to "attack" those who are "spreading false information" online by reporting them en masse or what they termed as "mass reporting", while the second purpose is "special ops" – hacking and social engineering. 

Later the group admitted that rumors about them "hacking" detractors were not true and were intentionally spread by them to incite fear. 

For this report, we will focus on Oplan Cyber Tokhang's first component: "mass reporting".

ADMINISTRATOR. Riyoh rallies their cyber army, telling them who to 'attack' and when.

In the group’s first two weeks, Riyoh led what he called "attack tests". His first targets were the Madam Claudia Facebook page and Maane Adorna’s Facebook account, both of which are critical of the Duterte administration and the Marcoses.

These tests failed, according to Riyoh himself, with only 800 out of the 20,000 reporting their targets. According to Maane, however, she was locked out of her account several times and was warned by Facebook about posts that violated their community standards.

At the same time, Duterte Cyber Warriors, on their public Facebook page and inside their private group, actively crowdsourced for names of accounts and pages that were "spreading false information" against the government.

'Extrajudicial reporting'

Riyoh eventually published a video that gave more detailed instructions and explanations of Oplan Cyber Tokhang. According to the video they released within the private group, their goal was simple: to make "attacks" more potent by making sure that all "cyber warriors" attack one account at a time, a strategy he referred to as "extrajudicial reporting".

The most effective way to have a Facebook account or page taken down, according to Riyoh, was to first report the profile photo, the cover photo, and their posts as "describing buying or selling drugs, guns or regulated products" before reporting the actual page to Facebook. The online army was also asked to wait for Riyoh and his co-admins to announce their targets and to await cues for their attacks.

Their tone was consistent: The President needs help; they are in a war.

As of this writing, the group had already organized attacks against The Philippine Daily Facebook page, and the accounts of Maurice Inocencio and television anchor Ed Lingao. The Philippine Daily reported being taken down by Facebook thrice. The accounts of the page’s administrators have also reportedly been suspended. 

NO SHARING. Posts inside the groups show that they tried to keep their discussions as private as possible.

Several reports of Facebook users being logged out of their accounts on social media also made their rounds on Facebook, spreading fear that their accounts may have been compromised. In an email to Rappler, however, a Facebook spokesperson dismissed these incidents as a "bug in complex automated systems" they’ve deployed to protect users against malware and phishing.

The group was eventually taken down by Facebook on Tuesday night, November 29, when word of their discussions spread. Riyoh eventually claimed that the "leak" was intentional and that they let the spies in to scare people online.

Hit and miss

Does "mass reporting" work?

Facebook says that the number of reports on a particular post "does not impact whether [or not] something will be removed" and that it does not remove content "simply because it has been reported a number of times.”

Flagged content all go to a team of reviewers who will decide whether or not they violate Facebook’s community standards, including: hate speech, violence and graphic content, nudity, bullying and harassment, direct threats, attacks on public figures, and criminal activity, among others.

But while there is still no conclusive evidence that this kind of attack online is effective, Facebook’s content moderation policy has long been criticized for its inconsistencies.

For example, an American media organization, NPR, recently published an investigative report questioning how Facebook reviews flagged content.

NPR spoke with current and former Facebook employees on record and on background on how Facebook censors and reviews content.

According to former Facebook employees, flagged content go to a division called the "community operations team." Facebook, however, eventually started outsourcing the task of reviewing content to consulting firm Accenture.

NPR’s sources revealed that this team of content reviewers has grown to several thousand people, with some of their largest offices being based in Manila and Warsaw.

The sources added that these subcontractors are evaluated in terms of speed, and therefore have to make decisions very fast – even as fast as one decision every 10 seconds.

NPR pointed out that this kind of workflow doesn’t allow reviewers to carefully go through flagged posts. While most content is simple enough to categorize and censor, others require nuanced analysis and thorough contextual review. If their sources’ claims are true, then this workflow is prone to mistakes and inconsistencies. 

'Mistakes do happen'

Oplan Cyber Tokhang essentially aims to take advantage of these inconsistencies. By submitting thousands of reports to Facebook at the same time, these online warriors hope to take down their detractors online using a hit and miss strategy.

In a report by Interaksyon, Pierre Tito Galla, who belongs to cybersecurity watchdog group Democracy.Net.PH, also explained how this can be effective.

“If I gather a thousand or maybe a hundred people, and maybe persuade them to report this person as spam or abusive or violating some community standards at the same time, then it may flood the Facebook reporting mechanism,” Galla said. “When that happens, it is very likely that through an automated means the account may be taken down."

A good example of Facebook mistakenly taking down a post was when Facebook took down Lingao's post critical of plans to allow the burial of dictator Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. Facebook eventually admitted that the "post was incorrectly removed."

"When we have millions of reports to review each week, mistakes do happen,” Facebook admitted in a statement.

In October meanwhile, the creator of a petition on Change.org calling for the blog of celebrity Mocha Uson to be suspended on Facebook found himself, ironically, locked out of his account for 24 hours for posting "sexually explicit content."

The photos reported however, were far from sexual. Instead, they were all screenshots of threats sent to him, his petition, and a Facebook notification that somebody sent a password change request.

SUSPENDED. Petitioner Paul Quilet was suspended for posting these 'sexually-explicit content.'

Paul Quilet, who initiated the petition, said he sought an explanation from Facebook but to no avail. “I know someone's responsible for the systematic social media account suspension that's happening,” Quilet told Rappler.

The suspension of Varona’s account is another interesting case. Varona said in a post that Elizabeth Hernandez, Facebook's head of public policy in the Asia Pacific, explained to her that "her account was incorrectly enrolled in a fake name checkpoint."

But this explanation poses more questions about the way Facebook goes through these reports, as Varona had a verified Facebook account.

This feature, which is granted only to those whom Facebook considers as "public figures", is supposed to let people know that a certain account is authentic. It is supposed to prevent people from being duped by fake accounts. How can a verified Facebook profile be mistaken by their moderators as a fake account?

This, and the information that a big chunk of these human reviewers are based in the Philippines, raises concerns about the reliability and objectivity of Facebook's reviews. Critics argue: What if, for example, a report ends up in the hands of a moderator with a political agenda?

Inquirer.net’s social media editor Dennis Maliwanag, in a Facebook post, said that giving local BPOs the task of reviewing flagged content is not a good idea at a time when the country is severely polarized.

"I don't think it's a good idea that the BPO handling complaints of community standards violations is based in the Philippines. The country today is severely polarized. With several questionable suspensions of legitimate accounts, journalists and civil society members are beginning to wonder how objective are the reviews of complaints being carried out,” he wrote.

With Facebook being secretive about the way they review flagged content, evidence to prove the potency of these recent attacks are hard to come by.

But if Oplan Cyber Tokhang has made one thing clear, it’s that Facebook can no longer ignore the fact that there are continuous and organized attempts to game its system, and these are working, to some extent. And unless they do something about this, Facebook will never be as free from censorship and bias as executives claim it to be. Rappler.com

Impunity: Murder as Meme

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The first responder was sure there was at least one body – the naked curve of the back and the denim waistband showed just under the crumpled pile of garbage bags. What might have been another body was curled on the sidewalk, swathed in the same black plastic. The head was bound tight with a crosshatch of packing tape, and looked, from afar, like a goalie's helmet. 

They had been tossed along Calle Estacion in Pio del Pilar, Makati at dawn on Thursday, December 1. There were no CCTV cameras. What light was available came from the streetlights planted along the Arnaiz Skyway, curving three stories above the two-lane road.

It was a little girl who first brought word. “A certain Mary Jane” had been asleep in the grass when the gunshots rang out at past one in the morning. She ran straight to a nearby village hall. The cops came running, through the pile of black bags spilling into the sidewalk. It might have been a bomb. They called for Makati’s Explosive Ordnance Dispersal team. The EOD came. They said there were bodies and were told they were bodies.

The first responders drew chalk circles around the bullet casings scattered on the street. A sheet of paper had been left under the first body. It was maybe twenty minutes before a photographer flipped over a frame and zoomed into the inch-high letters.

Nagmahal

Nasaktan

Nagtulak

Namatay

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#Nagmahal

There was a collective gasp among the gathered press. One reporter began laughing. Someone shot a frame from another angle, and saw the hashtags scrawled before every word.

#FellinLove

#WasHeartbroken

#DealtDrugs

#WasKilled

The words, a grim parody of an internet meme on moving on from a relationship, was popular among the millennial set. Fill in the blanks. Fell in love, was heartbroken, got drunk. Fell in love, was heartbroken, went to class. Fell in love, was heartbroken, got high, got pretty, got laid, took a nap, climbed a mountain, ate a burger, took a selfie – moved on.

The investigators arrived, marked the chalk circles with numbers one through ten. Eventually a cop lifted the paper sign. A corner had been dipped in blood.

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#Nasaktan

The investigators cut through the plastic bags, struggling through the stretched tape. The bag torn open to show the bound legs in the khaki shorts, the grimy soles, the bloodstains on the gray shirt. He was short, hollow-cheeked, 5'2 and scrawny. The men from the morgue lifted the corpse onto a stretcher, leaving behind a thin smear of blood about a foot wide on the sidewalk. They covered the body with a faded flowered sheet. 

The second man was “a little chubby,” as Police Senior Inspector Valmark Funelas said. He measured 5'9. His head, once freed from the black plastic, had been wrapped in packing tape. The investigator ran a cutter under his chin. The eyes were closed, but his mouth was wide open, lips folded inward over the teeth in what looked to be a futile attempt to breathe. They found more of the garbage bags down his throat. The investigators reached in, and uncoiled the ropy length of plastic from the dead man's mouth. 

There was a second sign taped over the body of the skinnier man.

#Nagmahal

#Nagbasag-kotse

#Nagtulak

#Namatay

The man may have been a suspected carnapper, said the police chief. The officers had spoken to village watchmen in the area, nobody knew whom the dead men were, if they were residents of Pio del Pilar or the neighboring San Isidro. 

#FellinLove

#BrokeIntoCar

#DealtDrugs

#WasKilled 

The initial investigation is inconclusive as to where the executions may have taken place.

“They were dumped here,” said Funelas, “but it isn’t certain if they were already dead. The term the police use is ‘finishing’ because there were slugs found there, there were empty shells. There were still gunshots.”

It is not the first case of dead bodies tossed along Calle Estacion. Funelas remembers one more incident. He is uncertain as to the date, but says it is within the last five months of the administration of Rodrigo Duterte.

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#Nagtulak

At least three more men were summarily executed in Metro Manila in the hours before dawn on December 1. In Village 21 in Caloocan, a man was found curled on the sidewalk, hands bound behind his back, the plastic wrapped head resting in a pool of blood. In Payatas-B in Quezon City, a village watchman, allegedly a police drug informant, was shot in plain view just down the street from a wake. His wife fell weeping over his body just before they pulled the zipper on his body bag.

In Caloocan City, according to dzBB, a body was found along Letre Road in Village 8. His own placard, a sheet of brown cardboard, was found just beside his body, just as 15,000 protesters held up placards painted with witticisms at the People Power Monument.

#Sorry# 

Wag akong tularan

“Pusher” ako,

Snatcher ako

“Sorry" ☺ sa mga nabiktima ko

Bawi na kayo

Bayad na ko

Happy faces punctuated the sentences. Sorry, it said, do not be like me. I am a drug dealer. I am a snatcher. Sorry to the people I have victimized. We’re even now. I have paid my debt. 

The man’s head was wrapped in dark plastic, and striped with packing tape. Another note was scrawled down the side of the sign, in smaller letters.

Kaibigan, Pot 2x at Luloy, magkikita na tayo. Nainggit ako sa inyo. ☺ Hehehe 

Friends Pot Pot and Luloy, it said, I’ll be seeing you. I was jealous of you guys. Hehehe. 

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#Namatay

The first reported summary execution in this fashion – the head wrapped in tape – was in early July, just under the MacArthur Bridge. The cardboard sign called the dead man a dealer. In the months since, there have been at least 3,841 extrajudicial killings, outside of the over two thousand killed in police operations. Many of those murdered by unknown assailants were found with cardboard signs propped beside their bodies, calling them addicts, pushers, dealers.

In recent weeks, the range of accusations has gone beyond drug involvement – snatcher, housebreaker, carnapper. There are jokes, attempted witticisms, the occasional scribbled drawing. Manila is where murder has been reduced to a meme. 

On November 16, two weeks before killers took it upon themselves to apologize on behalf of a man they killed, a body was found face down along Chapel Road in Pasay City. The particulars were the same: the head wrapped in yellow tape, the hands bound together, the letters printed with a black marking pen accusing him of dealing drugs.

I am a drug pusher, it said, do not become me.

Then the cops turned the body over. It was when the increasingly commonplace shot straight into the stuff of parody. 

Someone had taken the same marking pen used to write on the cardboard sign. Eyes, nose, and a grinning mouth had been drawn over the wrapped face of the dead man. – Rappler.com

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Good riddance, 2016!

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Like others, I can’t wait to say goodbye to 2016. Many awful things have happened and these are bearing down hard on our democratic values, striking at our long-held foundations, and even on our private spaces, our equanimity.

Our national conversation has crackled with threats and profanities, led by the angry voice of President Rodrigo Duterte. The polarization is so palpable on social media, where reason has given way to vitriolic emotions and lies have disguised as facts.

So, why should 2016 stay any second longer? Here’s my take on why this year has got to go:

1. Too many deaths!

And people continue to be killed – all in the altar of President Duterte’s war on drugs. For 5 months, from July 1 to Decmber 1, 5,662 killings have been recorded. Of this figure, 3,658 were victims of extrajudicial killings and 2,004 died in police operations. 

During the 14 years of martial law, the tally of extrajudicial killings was 3,257. Compare this to the 5-month record of Duterte: this should give us all a fright. 

2. A slide to Putinesque authoritarianism.

Behold the danger signs in the 3 branches of government: 

  • Congress is under the tight grip of the President. 
  • The Cabinet is a sealed echo chamber, where members do not dare give their boss unsolicited advice. 
  • Duterte will appoint 10 justices (out of 15) to the Supreme Court, starting with two retirements in December. As it is, a number of justices have already shown that they know where the political winds blow, supporting the President’s campaign promises: the burial of the late Ferdinand Marcos in the Heroes’ Cemetery and the acquittal of former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

3. Fearmongering by the President. 

Let us count his threats:

4. Intimidating the opposition

Nowhere have we seen this so blatantly than in Exhibit A: Senator Leila de Lima. “She will rot in jail,” Duterte warned, already judging De Lima guilty of accepting bribes from drug lords.

With the President’s might behind the House of Representatives, there is no stopping them from publicly shaming her, going after her, hammer and tongs. Clearly, this is a message to those in the opposition: whoever crosses Duterte will suffer his wrath.

5. Burying our history.

It was really President Duterte’s project to have the remains of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani, an idea he announced during his campaign. He has shown deep fondness for the young Marcos, Ferdinand Jr or Bongbong, referring to him as a potential next vice president. Duterte's decision is seen as a debt of gratitude to Imee for helping fund his campaign.

When Duterte won, he immediately set his promise into motion, getting the nod of the Supreme Court.

What Duterte may not have anticipated was the series of protests after the Marcoses stealthily buried the dictator. His act has touched off a torrent of anger and emotions for violating the collective historical memory, for honoring a man who has done the country violence, killing our democracy.

6. Disregarding facts, playing loose with the truth.

Duterte is our first post-truth president. He ushers in a kind of politics that is cavalier with facts or even oblivious of them. He has also set the tone for his followers who, enabled by technology and anonymity, desecrate facts or make up their own. 

Remember these?

  • There are 3 million drug addicts, Duterte said, then he later upped the figure to 4 million because the 3 million is dated. Where did he get the 1 million? Out of thin air. The President has completely ignored the findings of the Dangerous Drugs Board (DDB), which is under his office. The 2016 survey of the DDB showed that there are 1.8 million current drug users.
  • “There is no study nor movie” on President Marcos’ performance. This, from the lips of Duterte. Quick to respond, the Ateneo de Manila University listed journal articles and books on martial law.
  • Similarly, the Loyola Film Circle uploaded a list of films on this dark chapter of our history on its Facebook page.
  • Duterte was dismissive about the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) between the Philippines and the US, saying it wasn’t even signed by President Aquino. Well, guess what? Aquino signed the “instrument of ratification” which confirms the articles in EDCA.
  • The first drug list of government officials made public by the President included dead people: an ex-mayor and a judge. In fact, the judge has been dead for 8 years.

The saddest and most worrying thought, however, is that all these may continue into the new year. It’s up to us, to a vigilant public, to arrest the erosion of our democracy in this post-truth age. – Rappler.com

Newsbreak Voices: Let Them Sleep

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MANILA, Philippines – One night in late October, 21-year-old Jerico Camitan and 17-year-old Angel Fernandez were gunned down by unidentified men in Quezon City.

It took more than two weeks for the two to be buried, with the help of a Vietnamese-Australian human rights lawyer who helped raise enough money for the burial expenses.

The best of our humanity should win, says Hoi Trinh, not the worst of our instincts.

9-minute listen. Written by Patricia Evangelista, read by Chay Hofileña, edited by Emerald Hidalgo. If you missed the full story, you can read the text story here. – Rappler.com

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