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Will Robredo be excluded from future Palace events?

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Despite being the second highest official of the land, Vice President Leni Robredo was nowhere to be seen at the traditional vin d'honneur in Malacañang on Wednesday, January 11.

Given it was the Palace that retracted the invitation for her to join the gathering, can the public expect her to continue being excluded from similar major events attended by President Rodrigo Duterte?

Presidential Spokesman Ernesto Abella's response: “It is a prerogative of the Palace to invite those who they feel is needed to be there."

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<blockquote class="twitter-video" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">WATCH: Abella on Palace retraction of VP Robredo invitation to vin d&#39;honneur: I wouldn&#39;t say she was &#39;snubbed&#39; <a href="https://t.co/rwA1rBPDlh">pic.twitter.com/rwA1rBPDlh</a></p>&mdash; Pia Ranada (@piaranada) <a href="https://twitter.com/piaranada/status/819110478890737665">January 11, 2017</a></blockquote>
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But even before the vin d’honneur, Robredo had been missing from major national events.

Robredo was absent from the Rizal Day commemoration activity last December 30.

Under the previous administration, this was not the norm. Vice President Jejomar Binay attended every Rizal Day ceremony during Aquino's years in power, even leading the rites alongside President Benigno Aquino III.

Binay kept this up even when he was openly anti-administration and had left Aquino's Cabinet.

He was also invited to lead Indepedence Day ceremonies either with Aquino or separately.

The last time Robredo appeared alongside Duterte in a national event was in November during the Super Typhoon Yolanda anniversary. Before that, she attended the National Heroes Day ceremony in August.

The Palace is careful not to say they are deliberately snubbing the Vice President, though the rift between her and Duterte is well-known. 

“I don’t think the word is ‘snub,’” said Abella after the vin d’honneur. 

“She also has her own participations in public service,” he said, citing as examples Robredo's speaking engagements and activities in line with her advocacies.

Can the public expect Robredo to be excluded from future national events? During the Independence Day celebration in June, will she not be invited to lead the flag-raising ceremony in Cavite or another part of the country, a task typically given to the Vice President?

Though Duterte has admitted to “irreconcilable differences” between him and Robredo in terms of government policy, he seemed to say in some interviews that he bears no personal grudge against her.

Wala kaming away ni Leni,” he has said in the past. He has also quipped, "I don't pick a fight with a lady."

Robredo has said she still wants to reach out to the President despite their differences.– Rappler.com


What will Duterte, Abe have for breakfast in Davao?

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SIMPLE WELCOME. This is President Rodrigo Duterte's home, where he will welcome Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and wife for breakfast on January 13, 2017. File photo by Pia Ranada/Rappler

On Friday, January 13, before Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his wife Akie start their day in Davao City, they will have breakfast not in some fancy hotel but in the house of President Rodrigo Duterte – his real house, in San Luisa, and not some official residence for the most powerful man in the country. (IN PHOTOS: Inside Rodrigo Duterte's home)

And what will Duterte serve his special guests? 

Puto, suman, and salad – Davao delicacies that the President's common-law wife, Honeylet Avanceña, who supervises the preparations. 

"Doing it for the Filipinos and for this country, as PM Abe is the first foreign, high-ranking  government official  to visit the country and Davao, and first to visit the Philippine President's house," Avanceña told Rappler in a message.

The Duterte household was advised that it will be a quick visit, so Avanceña said, "It will be light food for them, but all indigenous and Davao food."

After breakfast, the Abes will start their official activities at 10 am, and will depart Davao City by lunch time. 

They will visit the Mintal Cemetery, where Japanese during World War II were buried; meet with businessmen; grace ceremonies where Abe will name an eagle; and meet with the Mindananao Kokusai Daigaku, an association of Filipinos of Japanese descent. (READ: Abe visit gives hope to Davao's Japanese descendants seeking recognition) – Editha Z. Caduaya/Rappler.com

 

 

 

PH not making 'full pivot' to China – envoy

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SEEKING BALANCE. Philippine Ambassador-designate to China Chito Santa Romana says in a Facebook Live interview on January 10, 2017, that the Philippines aims to forge 'good relations with all major powers.' Screen grab from Newsbreak's Facebook page

MANILA, Philippines – Philippine Ambassador-designate to China Chito Santa Romana said the Philippines is not making a "full pivot" to China under President Rodrigo Duterte.

In a Facebook Live interview with Rappler editor at large Marites Vitug, Santa Romana said Manila instead is "tilting" toward Beijing.

"In the past, we had a very close and tight alignment with the US, and now we're tilting toward China," Santa Romana said on Tuesday, January 10.

"But it's not really a full pivot to China," Santa Romana clarified. "It's really seeking a place, a balanced relationship, between the US and China and Russia, but the goal is to have good relations with all the major powers."

"The logic is basically the same: You don't put all your eggs in one basket. You try to diversify your risks. You diversify your interests," the ambassador-designate said. 

Santa Romana made these remarks as Duterte seeks better ties with China and Russia while moving away from the US, the Philippines' traditional partner and former colonizer. (READ: Russia warns 'traditional' PH partners: Don't interfere)

In his interview with Rappler, Santa Romana also said the Philippines aims to address its dispute with China over the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea) separately from the two countries' economic relations.

"Economics will drive the relations, not the disputes," he said.

Santa Romana's nomination as ambassador to China was already confirmed by the Philippine Commission on Appointments in December 2016.

Santa Romana, the former Beijing bureau chief of ABC News, worked as a producer and reporter in China for two decades. An Emmy award-winning journalist, he too is one of the Philippines' leading China experts. (READ: Avoid mistakes of past China deals, incoming PH envoy says)

In August 2016, Santa Romana also joined former president Fidel V. Ramos in "icebreaker" talks with Chinese representatives in Hong Kong, upon Duterte's instructions. – Rappler.com

The Liberal Party and realpolitik in the House

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REALPOLITIK DECISION. Deputy Speaker Miro Quimbo recalls why the Liberal Party decided to stay in the House majority. File photos by Rappler

The Liberal Party (LP) enjoyed 6 years of power in Congress when Benigno Aquino III was still president.

But many of its members jumped ship to President Rodrigo Duterte’s Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban) after he won the 2016 polls. 

Months later, LP member and House Deputy Speaker Miro Quimbo joked about their loss of members when asked how the party continues to survive in a Duterte-controlled House of Representatives. 

“The lonely party ha? It’s difficult. I think it’s in a flux. I think one thing that I’m certain about is close to a hundred members after the elections, we’ve been decimated to just 32. People we were not [expecting] would leave the party, left. But it’s a natural progression. No love lost, meaning that’s how it is,” the Marikina 2nd District Representative said in a Rappler Talk interview on Wednesday, January 11.

Twenty-seven of the remaining LP congressmen stayed in the majority bloc, while the other 5 decided to stick to the independent minority bloc. 

Quimbo explained that realpolitik – wherein circumstances and various factors are given more consideration than moral and ethical objectives – was behind the LP’s decision to sign a coalition agreement with the ruling PDP-Laban. 

“I wouldn’t want to call it political survival but it’s really realpolitik. At the time, when you try to determine it, had we moved, the few of us who had stayed in the minority, regardless of whether we were going to lose the minority, in my count, we were like 11. Counting the 5 who remained there, it’s just going to be 11,” said Quimbo.

“And the realpolitik decision there was, ‘Okay, there’s going to be 11 of us. Why not? We’ll be the hardened opposition. We’ll do it on a daily basis.’ But ultimately, the party would have been completely decimated,” he added.  

Quimbo also pointed out that congressmen in the minority do not get committee memberships and also cannot vote in committee meetings.  

He said Quezon City 4th District Representative Feliciano Belmonte Jr, LP stalwart and former Speaker, had made a “leadership call” to sign the coalition agreement. (READ: Quimbo doesn't see LP leaving House coalition

“And you know, Speaker Belmonte made a leadership call and said that it’s going to be unfair to everyone. Let’s have a critical cooperation with the majority bloc,” said Quimbo.

Still free to disagree

He has since been named one of the 13 deputy speakers, giving the LP a place in the House leadership. 

“It can be difficult. But that’s why it is a democracy and the reason for which we accepted it is because we are free to disagree with a number of measures,” said Quimbo, adding that some chairpersons of the most powerful House committees still disagree with reimposing the death penalty, a priority bill of the President.  

“So I think that’s going to be a challenge but…There’s more than enough space for you to ventilate your opposition,” he said. 

Still, Quimbo said being an LP member and deputy speaker puts him in a tight spot. 

“I also think that if you’re part of the House leadership, you also have to be conscious that you fight your battles…It’s like a family. You come together as neighbors and you decide that this is the direction. Then certainly, you’ll debate against, but when the organization decides that this is going to be the direction, then you go with that,” he said. 

“Unless of course if [it's] so diametrically opposed to your beliefs, then you get out of the kitchen and be part of the opposition. But it has not reached that position,” added Quimbo. At least for now.– Rappler.com

Manhunt while in Crame: The confusion over SPO3 Sta Isabel

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NHQ. The PNP headquarters in Camp Crame. Rappler file photo

In a battle of cop vs cop, it was confusion that sparked emotional, expletive-laden proclamations, and later, a series of press conferences just to clarify what was really going on.

On Friday morning, January 13, Ronald dela Rosa, chief of the Philippine National Police (PNP) berated and challenged on radio a cop accused of kidnapping a South Korean businessman who, just a day ago, accused police from another unit of being part of a kidnapping syndicate.

Sabi ko nga dapat in-inquest n'yo kaagad yan para hindi na makasibat yung tao na yan. Noong nalaman namin na meron palang previous kidnapping nung miyembro pa siya ng DAID sa NPD, meron din doon intsik na kinidnap pero na-dismiss yung kaso, lalong lumalakas yung aking kuwan na...dapat hindi na ito magtatagal dito,” he said in an interview over dzMM on Friday, January 13.

(He should have undergone inquest proceedings so he wouldn’t be able to run away. When we found out that he has a previous kidnapping case when he was part of the anti-illegal drugs unit of the Northern Police District, there was a Chinese person who was kidnapped but the case was dismissed… our suspicions heightened. [Expletive] This cop...does not deserve to stay here.)

Dela Rosa was referring to Senior Police Office 3 (SPO3) Ricky Sta Isabel, a cop formerly assigned to the anti-narcotics unit, who is one of the suspects in the kidnapping of Ick Joo Yee in Angeles City back in October 2016. Ick has yet to be located.

Sta Isabel, who denies the allegations of the PNP despite “damning evidence” against him, was – or is – the subject of manhunt operations by several operating units under instructions from Dela Rosa. The news release was sent to media on January 11.

But a day after the PNP announced the manhunt operations, Sta Isabel came out on national television with footage of him casually walking around Camp Crame (the PNP headquarters) too boot. He claimed he was never in hiding and that he was ready to face charges. That same day, Sta Isabel also filed his resignation from the PNP.

That Sta Isabel had apparently all along been reporting to his new unit, the PNP Headquarters Support Service’s Personnel Holding and Accounting Unit (PHAU), was a surprise even to media covering the case. The PHAU is where some cops who are being investigated for alleged irregularities are placed pending a probe.

Days before a Monday, January 9, press conference, Dela Rosa announced that Sta Isabel – whom he had refused to name then – was already in restrictive custody. “So that any time, he is available for investigation. A case has already been filed against him by the Anti-Illegal Drugs Group,” explained Dela Rosa then.

Asked to clarify if that meant that Sta Isabel was in Camp Crame, Dela Rosa confirmed, “Andito (He’s here).”

It remains unclear why Dela Rosa or the PNP tagged Sta Isabel as missing. He insists he was reporting regularly, save for a few days where he had to do personal errands.

The PNP’s spokesman Senior Superintendent Dionardo Carlos explained in a media interview on Friday, hours after Dela Rosa’s own radio interview: “He was transferred from AIDG [because of] possible involvement, and Nov 21, [he was transferred to] PHAU HSS… He was asked to report for duty when the order [of Dela Rosa] for him to be placed in restrictive custody [came] as the case developed. He was informed Sunday (January 8) of such order and he was called, he took cognizance of the order of the chief and he defied the order of the chief, Sunday. He did not report Monday. He did not report Tuesday. He did not report Wednesday when the CPNP was able to talk to the wife of the victim and he showed up Thursday, not to report together with two lawyers but to resign.”

But Sta Isabel, based on documents obtained by media, was formally placed under restrictive custody on December 16. “Special Orders Number 10322” was received officially only on January 12, however.

Maro (mautak, or wise)” was how Dela Rosa described Sta Isabel’s handling of his situation. Sta Isabel has been a policeman for over two decades.

Asked why Sta Isabel was still allowed to leave – and even go home – on Thursday, January 12, despite the “manhunt” order against him, Carlos explained: “The HSS director spoke to him and he did not ask permission to leave.”

The case against Sta Isabel is still being investigated but police – Dela Rosa included – are convinced that the evidence against him is strong. And even if he wants to resign – presumably to avoid being placed under restrictive custody – Sta Isabel’s application will still need approval from the National Police Commission, which Dela Rosa is part of.

His apparent failure to follow Dela Rosa’s orders could also result in administrative cases being filed against him. – Rappler.com

Plunder & graft trials: How do cases proceed in the courts?

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MANILA, Philippines – On Thursday, January 12, two years after charges were filed over the multibillion-peso pork barrel scam, the plunder trial of former senator Ramon "Bong" Revilla Jr was supposed to begin.

But it turned out that the Sandiganbayan had yet to issue a pre-trial order, which is a document required for the trial to proceed. The order contains facts and evidence, and both the prosecution and defense should stick to these throughout the trial.

There were discrepancies that needed to be corrected on the part of the prosecution, but lead prosecutor Joefferson Toribio claimed they weren't informed ahead of time. Revilla's lawyers hit the prosecution for delaying the trial, but they asked the justices nonetheless if they could also have more time to review the prosecution's amendments.

And so what was scheduled for January 12 was reset to February 9.

The other two former senators accused of earning from the pork barrel scam are Jinggoy Estrada and Juan Ponce Enrile. Estrada's graft and plunder cases and Enrile's graft case are all in the pre-trial level.

Why are these cases taking so long?

Speedy Trial Act

In 1998, Congress passed Republic Act No. 8493 or the Speedy Trial Act, providing new procedural rules to "ensure a speedy trial of all criminal cases before the Sandiganbayan, Regional Trial Court, Metropolitan Trial Court, Municipal Trial Court and Municipal Circuit Trial Court."

Following the passage of this law, pre-trials began to be conducted after arraignment. At this level, facts are stipulated, evidence of both parties are marked, and both prosecution and defense can object to the admissibility of evidence.

The logic behind it was so when the case reaches trial, it is already solid and concise, making it quicker for the courts to hear and resolve it.

A pre-trial agreement and conference will proceed before the court issues the pre-trial order which "shall bind the parties, limit the trial to matters not disposed of and control the course of action during the trial."

The problem is that either of the parties can take their time with all of these, as there is no time limit set.

On Tuesday, January 10, former Philippine National Police (PNP) chief Alan Purisima went to the Sandiganbayan for the pre-trial of his graft case before the 6th Division, only for it to be postponed for another 3 months, to April 18, to be able to mark all documents.

Before any case reaches pre-trial, it goes through the judicial mills that can take years – two for the plunder cases over the pork barrel scam. (READ: Plunder cases: highs and lows

Process

Here's how it works:

1. Prepare the case

2. Preliminary investigation– This is where the prosecutor determines if there is probable cause and if there is, the information will be filed before the proper court, or for graft and plunder, the Sandiganbayan. (READ: What's the difference: Plunder, graft in PDAF issue?

3. Filing of information– Once the case has been filed with the Sandiganbayan, it will be raffled off to the judge who will hear the case. Once again, the court shall determine probable cause before an arrest warrant can be issued.

4. Arraignment– The accused shall be arraigned within 30 days from the date of the filing of information.

5. Pre-trial– Presentation of evidence, agreement, conference, and the issuance of the pre-trial order.

6. Trial – Once the case reaches trial, these are what can happen:

  • After cross examinations and rebuttals and the prosecution has rested its case, the accused may file what is called a demurrer to evidence, which essentially means challenging the evidence presented by the prosecution. The defense will try to have the charges dismissed based on what they hope the court will find as weak evidence from the prosecution.
  • The motion to file a demurrer shall be made within 5 days after the prosecution rests its case. The prosecution can oppose this motion within another 5 days. If the court grants the motion, the defense has another 10 days to file the demurrer, and the prosecution will have another 10 days to oppose the demurrer once they have received it.

7. Judgment– After the trial, the court shall promulgate its judgment after finding the accused guilty or not guilty. If the decision is acquittal, it cannot be appealed. If the accused is convicted, he or she has 15 days to file a motion for reconsideration or motion for new trial. One can only file a motion for new trial if new evidence has been found. The motion shall be decided within 30 days of submission.

8. Appeal– If the motion for reconsideration or motion for new trial is denied, the accused is given another 15 days to file an appeal before the Supreme Court.

And then the process begins again. (READ: Get to know the anti-graft court Sandiganbayan

Time limits

The Speedy Trial Act provided new time limits for the procedures:

1. 6 months for trial– "In no case shall the entire trial period exceed 180 days from the first day of trial, except as otherwise authorized by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court pursuant to Section 3, Rule 22 of the Rules of Court."

2. 6 months for new trial– "The trial shall commence within 30 days from the date the order for a new trial becomes final, except that the court retrying the case may extend such period but in any case shall not exceed 180 days from the date the order for a new trial becomes final if unavailability of witnesses or other factors resulting from passage of time shall make trial within 30 days impractical."

These time limits sound reasonable, except that the law also provided for several exclusions. There are several instances where the delays may not be counted into the time within which trial must begin:

(1) delay resulting from an examination of the accused, and hearing on his/her mental competency, or physical incapacity;

(2) delay resulting from trials with respect to charges against the accused;

(3) delay resulting from interlocutory appeals;

(4) delay resulting from hearings on pre-trial motions: provided, that the delay does not exceed 30 days;

(5) delay resulting from orders of inhibition, or proceedings relating to change of venue of cases or transfer from other courts;

(6) delay resulting from a finding of the existence of a valid prejudicial question; and

(7) delay reasonably attributable to any period, not to exceed 30 days, during which any proceeding concerning the accused is actually under advisement.

'Snail-paced' justice

Experts have pointed out that with the Philippines' current judicial process, the accused in the pork barrel scam – who can afford top lawyers – will be able to avail of all legal remedies, and it could be another 10 years before any of the cases are resolved.

The Ombudsman and Sandiganbayan have a history of passing the buck when it comes to the delays in resolving cases.

In 2014, Sandiganbayan Presiding Justice Amparo Cabotaje-Tang said the Ombudsman has "inordinate delays" which, she said, were "deplorable" and "grossly offend the right of public justice."

She cited a graft case against former Philippine National Bank-Cebu vice president Cayetano Tejano Jr which has been with the Ombudsman for over 22 years.

Former Ombudsman Simeon Marcelo answered back, saying the bottleneck was with the Sandiganbayan, and estimated that the anti-graft court takes an average of 10.2 years to process cases against government officials.

The Sandiganbayan managed to resolve or dispose only of 267 cases as of November 2015, compared to 430 cases in 2011, 363 in 2012, 480 in 2013, and 277 in 2014.

But Cabotaje-Tang said disposal data should not be the sole indicator of the Sandiganbayan's overall performance. "The number of resolutions we issued in 2015 on pending incidents in various cases was more than 3 times the number of case disposal," she explained.

For her part, Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales registered a 74.5% conviction rate over a 5-year period, a dramatic increase from 33.3% before her term.

There are two bills pending in the Senate seeking to "fast-track the snail-pace disposition of cases in the country's anti-graft court." – Rappler.com 

Dela Rosa on Tulfo criticism: At least a clown makes people laugh

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BATO AND BATO. Philippine National Police Director General Ronald dela Rosa uses a puppet version of himself while talking to the members of the media at Camp Crame. File photo by Toto Lozano/PPD

He once shed tears before a Senate committee because of his problems with cops who moonlighted as criminals, but when it comes to criticism from a newspaper columnist, national police chief Ronald dela Rosa wouldn't shed tears. 

In a press conference on Monday, January 16, Dela Rosa was asked about Philippine Daily Inquirer columnist Ramon Tulfo’s recent article, where he called Dela Rosa a “clown.”

Tulfo, who is also a radio commentator, said in his column:

If President Digong wants to instill fear among policemen and criminals—there seems to be no more distinction between the two—he should replace PNP chief Director General Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa.

Dela Rosa is all bluster but lacking in action.

He has not inspired respect among the PNP officers corps and the rank and file because they look at him as a clown; always making the public laugh instead of being serious in his work.

Dela Rosa's comment: “Ask my subordinates if they don’t take me seriously. Only they will be able to say. I’d rather be a clown that makes people laugh instead of that person (Tulfo) because he’s always frowning. Tell him I’d rather be a clown because clowns make people laugh.”

Dela Rosa has led the Philippine National Police since July 1, or the day after President Rodrigo Duterte took office.

The national police has been the lead agency in implementing Duterte’s popular but controversial war on drugs.

While police have boasted of more than a million alleged drug personalities busted, groups have criticized cops for supposedly turning to extrajudicial means in the name of the bloody war.

It has also resulted in allegations of police abuse through other means. “President Digong’s war on drugs has brought about an ugly by-product: policemen who extort money from innocent civilians by accusing them of involvement in the drug trade; and cops who use the campaign to settle personal scores,” wrote Tulfo in his column.

Days before this, the Inquirer reported that police used the war on drugs as a cover-up in the kidnapping of a South Korean businessman in Angeles City. The businessman has yet to be found, but one of the suspects in the case has since surrendered to the National Bureau of Investigation.

Tulfo is an apparent supporter of President Duterte but a harsh critic of Dela Rosa. His most recent columns have been about the 4-star police official.

In a January 13 column, Tulfo again insisted that Dela Rosa did not have the respect of his subordinates, citing the case of the cop suspected of being behind the kidnapping of the Korean national.

Dela Rosa, like the President, is famous – or infamous – for making strong pronouncements in public. The police general is by no means shy when it comes to public performances. He's been seen wearing a Santa Claus costume while giving out gifts to kids who lost at least one parent to the war on drugs, or belting out a song during a concert against illegal drugs. – Rappler.com

Chilling reason why PH, NDF talks moved from Oslo to Rome

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COLD OSLO. Negotiators of the Philippine government and National Democratic Front of the Philippines find Oslo too cold for the 3rd round of talks. Photo courtesy of OPAPP

The 3rd round of formal talks between the Philippine government and the communist National Democratic Front (NDF), to be held from January 19 to 25, moved venues from Norway, the 3rd country facilitating the talks, to Rome in Italy. 

"I don’t know why they transferred venue. Siguro mapalapit doon sa (They might want to go near the) Pope para magrasyahan ang (to get graces for the) [talks]…," President Rodrigo Duterte said in jest over the weekend. (READ: Gov't in backchannel talks to protect ceasefire with Reds)

Duterte expressed hopes that the 3rd round will move the talks forward "substantially" so he could plan a possible meeting with exiled Communist Party of the Philippines Jose Maria Sison. (READ: Duterte awaits meeting with Joma Sison)

But really, why hold talks in Rome and not in the country that is arranging and paying for the talks?

The reason is chilling. It's too cold in Oslo this time of the year and the negotiators have not forgotten the last time they froze in the deep winter of the Scandinavian country. It dipped to as low as negative 23 degrees when they were there in February 2011 for formal talks under the previous Aquino administration. 

"Talaga namang ang lamig lamig sa (It's really cold in) Oslo this time around. It's the only reason. We both agreed in October [to hold the 3rd round of talks in Rome]," said Fidel Agcaoili, chief negotiator of the communist National Democratic Front of the Philippines. 

"We need to meet January or February kasi (because) [the last round was in] October.Mawawala ang (We will lose the) momentum e. Pero huwag naman sa (But please not in) Oslo," Agcaoili added.

It will drop to as low as negative 8 degrees Celcius on January 19 when the talks will start, a big change from Manila's 30-degree-Celcius weather. Rome will be considerably warmer than Oslo at 1 degree Celsius at worst. 

The negotiators have discussed moving the venue as early as the 1st round of talks in August 2016 when a number of the newly released NDF consultants fell sick while the negotiations were ongoing in Oslo. At least one NDF consultant was brought to the hospital. 

They apparently tried to pitch holding the talks in Greece or Spain, but the Norwegian facilitators of the talks opted for Rome supposedly because of better relations with the country.

The negotiators are expected to return to Oslo for the next round of talks. – Carmela Fonbuena/Rappler.com


Looking back at EDSA II: The political paths of Estrada and Arroyo

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POLITICAL PATHS. The EDSA II revolution triggers the downfall of former president Joseph Estrada and the rise of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Malacañang file photo

MANILA, Philippines – Sixteen years ago, Filipinos gathered at the historic thoroughfare EDSA, where freedom was once won against a dictator in 1986. 

EDSA People Power II, as it came to be known, was a series of protests held from January 16 to 20, 2001, against former president Joseph Estrada who was then facing plunder charges. The protests eventually triggered Estrada's downfall – and paved the way for Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, his vice president, to enter the spotlight in the political scene.

But Arroyo would later face her own share of troubles during her administration. Both former presidents seemed to follow the same track in politics: they were both vice presidents before assuming the highest seat of the land, and both have been accused of criminal offenses. Despite these, Estrada and Arroyo have managed to retain positions in government today.

Rappler looks back at the two former presidents' rise, fall, and resurgence in politics.

EDSA II: Estrada's downfall, Arroyo’s rise

In 1998, Estrada – a popular actor-turned-politician – won the presidential race with his slogan, “Erap para sa mahirap” (Erap for the poor). His political troubles started shortly two years later, when then Ilocos Sur governor Chavit Singson, his longtime friend, went public with accusations that Estrada and his cronies received millions of pesos from illegal operations of jueteng.

During Estrada's impeachment trial, senator-judges had to decide on whether or not to open an envelope supposed to contain strong evidence linking Estrada to over a billion pesos in deposits under the name "Jose Velarde".

Ten voted "yes" while 11 said "no" – a decision that prompted Aquilino "Nene" Pimentel Jr to resign as Senate President and walk out of the hall, joined by 9 other senators.

This dramatic scene was the final trigger that sent Filipinos to EDSA on January 16, 2001. Throughout the first night of the rally, people began to swarm around the historical EDSA Shrine to express their sentiments. More Filipinos, including students, activists and personalities in the music industry, joined in the next days, while the Philippine National Police and Armed Forces of the Philippines withdrew their support from the president.

On the last day of the protest, January 20, Arroyo took her oath in the presence of clamoring crowds on EDSA as the 14th president of the Republic of the Philippines. Estrada released a letter about Arroyo’s proclamation, saying he had strong doubts about the legality and constitutionality of her proclamation as president. However, he said he would step down to allow national reconciliation.

Estrada left Malacañang Palace together with his family in the same year. He was convicted of plunder in September 2007.

Corruption allegations

When he was president, Estrada allegedly received P10 million monthly from November 1998 to August 2000 from jueteng lords as protection money. He was also accused of bagging a P130-million kickback from the P200 million released by then budget secretary Benjamin Diokno for tobacco farmers. He also allegedly received P100 million as “donation” from government funds allegedly given by a private organization run by Estrada’s wife.

Aside from kickbacks, he reportedly ordered 52 impounded luxury vehicles from the Bureau of Customs commissioner to give to his Cabinet members and other officials.

Arroyo, on the other hand, was also charged with plunder over the alleged misuse of P366 million from the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office intelligence funds from 2008 to 2010.

Impeachment complaints

Before EDSA II, then Senate president Franklin Drilon referred arguments on Estrada’s corruption allegations to the Senate's Blue Ribbon Committee and the Committee on Justice for joint investigation. Another committee in the House of Representatives investigated the case, while other members of the House wanted the president’s impeachment.

More political figures suggested Estrada’s resignation, including then Manila Cardinal archbishop Jaime Sin and former presidents Corazon Aquino and Fidel Ramos. Then vice president Arroyo, meanwhile, resigned from her Cabinet position as social welfare secretary to signify her protest.

In November 2000, the House of Representatives led by Speaker Manuel Villar transferred the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate. The impeachment trial formally began in the same month, with then Supreme Court chief justice Hillario Davide Jr presiding over 21 senators sitting as judges. (READ: Cast in Erap plunder case: Where are they now?)

Estrada faced the impeachment trial with allegations of bribery, graft and corruption, betrayal of public trust, and culpable violation of the Constitution.

During her own term, Arroyo faced multiple impeachment attempts over the NBN-ZTE deal, human rights violations, the Northrail project, the Mt Diwalwal project, fertilizer fund scam, alleged bribery of members of Congress, and electoral fraud in the 2004 elections, better known as the "Hello Garci" controversy.

Arroyo’s grounds for impeachment were much the same as Estrada's, including betrayal of public trust, culpable violation of the Constitution, bribery, graft and corruption, and other high crimes.

Acquittals

Six weeks after Estrada was found guilty and sentenced to reclusion perpetua, Arroyo granted him presidential pardon in 2007.

In 2016, Arroyo also got her acquittal from the Supreme Court with an 11-4 vote, shortly after Benigno Aquino III, her successor and one of her critics, completed his term.

Back on the scene

Perhaps adopting the same attitude as the popular protagonists he portrayed in films, Estrada's fall was only the prelude to his resurgence in politics. Barely 9 years after his dramatic ouster, he announced his bid for the presidency to regain what he said was “stolen from him.”

He also shunned all allegations that led to his plunder conviction, insisting that he never stole a single peso of the country’s money.

Estrada, however, lost the presidential race to Benigno Aquino III by over 5 million votes.

Three years later, Estrada still managed to secure a political slot. He first won as Manila city mayor in 2013, beating rival Alfredo Lim, who had served as mayor of the city for 12 years. Estrada won over Lim by 30,000 votes.

In 2016, Estrada won his second straight term as Manila mayor – also against Lim – by a reduced margin of over 2,000 votes.

Arroyo, meanwhile, won a seat in Congress in 2010 to represent the 2nd district of Pampanga. She was reelected in 2013, amid a new plunder case and her deteriorating health. She is now on her third term as Pampanga representative, and is one of the 13 deputy speakers of the House of Representatives. – Addie Pobre and Cathrine Gonzales/Rappler.com

Addie Pobre and Cathrine Gonzales are Rappler interns studying journalism at Polytechnic University of the Philippines

Lacson jokes: De Lima 'most wiretapped' person on Earth

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WIRETAPPING. Senator Panfilo Lacson calls Senator Leila de Lima as the 'most wiretapped individual' on planet Earth.

“Most wiretapped individual on the planet.”

This was how Senator Panfilo Lacson described Senator Leila de Lima, before he interpellated her on the bill seeking to amend the Anti-wiretapping Law.

“Gladly and willing to probably the most wiretapped individual on planet Earth,’ said Lacson in jest.

To which De Lima lightly replied, “Thank you for acknowledging that.”

De Lima, fiercest critic of President Rodrigo Duterte, had repeatedly cried foul over alleged government attempts to tap into her private conversations.

Lacson, in turn, was sympathetic to De Lima’s predicament.

“But it may comfort you to know that more than a decade ago, I was also holding the same distinction of being the most wiretapped individual,” he said, referring to the Arroyo administration, when he was the number one enemy of then president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Lacson went into hiding in January 2010 when he was ordered arrested in connection with the killing of publicist Salvador Dacer and driver Emmanuel Corbito. Shortly after, De Lima was appointed justice secretary and launched a manhunt against him.

Since they were on the topic of being government enemies, Lacson also included another senator who opposed a sitting president.

“And not only that, if we look at the gentleman on my left… he was the title holder from 1986 to 1989, he was the most wiretapped individual at that time,” Lacson said, in apparent reference to Senator Gregorio Honasan, who led several coup attempts during the first Aquino administration.

Turning serious, De Lima said that while the bill would deter crimes perpetrated by individuals, she is unsure if it would prevent law enforcers from committing crimes.

“Because right now as we speak and given the very honest acknowledgment earlier, I know it was meant to be a joke, but I think it was not a joke. That really, wiretapping certain public figures is more the order of the day when it comes to our law enforcers or state agents,” De Lima said. – Rappler.com

Flying fists and brawling lawmakers: when politics gets physical

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BRAWL. Newly elected lawmaker Baggio Leung (C, wearing glasses) is restrained by security after attempting to read out his Legislative Council oath at Legco in Hong Kong on November 2, 2016. Photo by Anthony Wallace/AFP

MANILA, Philippines – Tempers can rise in the world of politics, to the point that politicians in their dignified suits can end up in an all-out brawl.

On Tuesday, January 17, Senators Juan Miguel Zubiri and Antonio Trillanes IV almost got physical after their heated exchange in the Senate hall over a bribery scandal in the Bureau of Immigration.

'WAR.' Senators try to pacify Senators Antonio Trillanes IV and Juan Miguel Zubiri who were caught in a heated word war on the Senate floor. Photo by Jun Aniceta

The two Philippine senators are just among several lawmakers from around the world who got into word wars over controversial issues. In some cases, these political arguments even ended up in violence.

Here's a rundown of some recent incidents of politicians fighting it out in public.

BRAWL AT PARLIAMENT. Ruling Justice and Development Party and main opposition Republican People's Party lawmakers scuffle at the parliament in Ankara during deliberations over a controversial 18-article bill to change the constitution to create an executive presidency January 11, 2017. AFP photo

Turkey, January 2017

The Grand National Assembly of Turkey saw a massive brawl during a debate over the expansion of executive powers of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Tension escalated between the members of the ruling AKP and opposition CHP parties – and not long after, they were seen shoving each other and exchanging punches.

The debate was about a constitutional reform bill that would grant Erdogan the power to hire and fire government ministers. It would also take back the leadership of their ruling party.

Hong Kong, November 2016

Hong Kong’s legislature erupted in chaos when two pro-independence lawmakers barged into the Legislative Council chamber despite being temporarily banned from attending meetings.

Baggio Leung, 30, and Yau Wai-ching, 25, were banned by the president of their legislative council after weeks of pressure from pro-Beijing loyalists.

The two were regarded as being among a new breed of more radical activists in Hong Kong, where the issue of independence had once been considered a taboo topic.

SQUABBLE. Other lawmakers try to keep apart Surigao Representative Prospero Pichay (right) and Representative Ace Barbers (left). Sourced photo

Philippines, October 2016

Before Senators Zubiri and Trillanes, two other lawmakers nearly got into a scuffle in the halls of Congress. Surigao del Sur First District Representative Prospero Pichay Jr and Surigao del Norte Second District Representative Robert "Ace" Barbers got into a heated argument during a House hearing on constitutional amendments in October last year.

While the hearing was suspended, the two congressmen were heard hurling expletives and even tried to push each other, before their colleagues quickly stood between them and managed to avert what could have been a nasty brawl. Pichay later filed an ethics complaint against Barbers.

Ukraine, September 2016

Two rival Ukranian politicians were caught fighting on camera after a heated television debate. Volodymyr Parasyuk, an active critic of Ukranian President Victor Yanukovych, and Oleksandr Vilkul, former deputy prime minister, were seen engaging in a fist fight in a studio corridor of 112 TV channel.

Parasyuk had also been involved in a violent incident in November 2015, after he kicked a security chief in the head during an anti-corruption meeting. Several bodyguards had to stop the brawl. Parasyuk later said his actions were prompted by an "emotional reaction."

Georgia, September 2016

A live television debate on Iberia TV ended in a water fight. The Union of Industrialists candidate Zaza Agladze and his opponent Irakli Glonti from the State for the People bloc threw glasses of water and punches at each other. The host of the show, shocked at the sudden turn of events, tried to stop the two but failed.

The incident came amid tensions over the upcoming parliamentary elections in October.

SCUFFLE. Deputies of the All-Ukrainian Union 'Svoboda' party attack the head of the Communist parliamentary faction Petro Symonenko (C) as they attempt to remove him from the hall during a Ukrainian parliament sitting in Kiev on July 23, 2014. Photo by Anatolii Stepanov/AFP

Ukraine, April 2014

Deputies from two opposing parties clashed during a parliament session in Kiev, Ukraine. The tension started when Petro Symonenko, a communist leader, accused nationalists of intimidating, arresting, and fighting people with a different point of view.

While Symonenko appeared unhurt after the brawl, one deputy leader was seen with scratches on his face.

India, February 2014

Members of the Indian parliament used pepper spray and broken glass against each other during a parliament session, where the politicians were discussing the controversial Telangana bill that would allow the creation of India’s 29th state.

Taiwan, August 2013

Taiwanese lawmakers from opposing parties fought each other before a vote that would allow a national referendum on whether to complete the construction of the 4th power plant in the country.

Legislators from the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) fought with the ruling Nationalist party at the Legislative Yuan or parliament in Taipei. The worst part of the brawl was when Chiu Chih-Wei, a DPP legislator, ended on the floor in a scuffle with Lin Hung-Chih from the Nationalist party. 

Hong Kong, February 2013

Pro-democracy lawmaker Leung Kwok-hung, also known as “Long Hair”, threw a cushion at Hong Kong’s Financial Secretary John Tsang during the annual budget report at the Legislative Council.

Kwok-hung had been demanding a universal retirement protection scheme due to Hong Kong's “fast-aging population, widening income disparity, and an inadequate Mandatory Provident Fund scheme.”

Will Filipino lawmakers degenerate into fighting legislators like some of their foreign counterparts? For shame, if they do. –  Addie Pobre and Cathrine Gonzales/ Rappler.com

Addie Pobre and Cathrine Gonzales are Rappler interns studying journalism at Polytechnic University of the Philippines. 

Understanding Duterte's martial law remarks

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President Rodrigo Duterte has managed to be alarmingly vague and contradictory about one thing Filipinos are especially sensitive about: martial law and the curtailment of democratic freedoms.

In Cabanatuan City in Nueva  Ecija on Wednesday, January 18, Duterte said he believed there was no “compelling reason” in the “peace and order situation now” to declare martial law.

In the same speech, however, he floated the rising threat of ISIS as a possible reason for him to make the declaration in the future.

His double-speak about martial law began even before his presidency. In the 2016 presidential campaign, he was fending off accusations he would become a dictator. Declaring martial law would be an insult to his mother, a Yellow Friday movement activist, he said.

Never mind that a few months before – in fact, even before declaring his presidential bid – Duterte admitted his regime, if he runs and wins, would be “a dictatorship.”

What exactly has Duterte said about martial law? Since October 2015, or a month before declaring he would run for president, Duterte has spoken about martial law in at least 11 different ways.

Here are the times the President has brought up the thorny issue and left the public confused and alarmed every time.

October 22, 2015 - “It’s going to be a dictatorship….It’s the police and the military who will be the backbone.”

February 24, 2016 - “I will not become a dictator. I will just ask everybody to follow the law. But then, I'll be strict and harsh.”

March 11, 2016 - His governance style is only “dictator-like.”

March 30, 2016 - Becoming a dictator would “dishonor” his mother.

August 9, 2016 - He asks Supreme Court Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno if she prefers he declare martial law to handle the country’s drug problem. This is the first time Duterte mentions martial law as president. 

October 4, 2016 - He has been “tempted” to declare martial law because of the extent of the drug problem but settled on declaring a state of lawlessness instead because martial law is “not feasible.”

November 15, 2016 - Martial law is only a “contingency against widespread violence.”

December 1, 2016 - Martial law is “kalokohan (nonsense)" because anyway it did not improve people’s lives during the Marcos regime.

December 23, 2016 - The 1987 Constitution should be amended so that only the President has the power to declare martial law. This is the first time Duterte expresses disdain for the constitutional provision that guards against the abuse of martial law. He gives a mysterious assurance that there is a “safety measure.” “I'll just tell you later,” he quips.

December 30, 2016 - Declaring martial law is "futile" and will only "burden the innocent."

January 14, 2017 - He will declare martial law if he “wants to,” if the situation in the country becomes “virulent,” never mind what the Constitution says.

January 18, 2017 - He agrees there is no compelling reason to declare martial law at the moment but warns of the looming threat of ISIS in Mindanao.

What does he really mean?

A perusal of the stories published in the last few months about Duterte and martial law shows he has been mentioning this topic more often lately.

On the campaign trail from 2015 toward mid-2016, he would mention martial law and dictatorship every few months, likely because he had to speak about other issues and campaign promises during sorties.

But after his first mention of martial law in August as President (a mention within a thinly veiled threat at that), he began to bring it up every month from October 2016 to January 2017.

Former Commission on Human Rights chairperson and martial law victim Loretta Rosales finds it alarming that Duterte so frequently brings up martial law, often even without any provocation from media.

“First of all, you don’t toy around with the idea of martial law as chief executive, especially in a country like the Philippines where martial law was experienced for 40 years,” she said.

There is also an observable progression in how detailed his voiced insights have become. Before December 23, 2016, he made alarming but fleeting mentions of martial law. But on December 23, he devoted more words and analysis, even delving into the constitutional provisions on it.

It seems the President, for some reason, felt a need to revisit the legal basis for the declaration of martial law and voice his conclusion to the public – that the existing provisions about martial law should be changed so the president has sole power to declare it.

To his mind, the post-Marcos Constitution was only a “reckless reaction” to the Marcos dictatorship.

The provisions – requiring Congress approval, reporting of the President to Congress, and empowering citizens to question the legal basis of martial law declaration – are not so much safety nets for a public jealously guarding its democratic freedoms, but obstacles to a president who requires swift action during times of emergency.

Duterte's disclaimers

But Rosales, who was tortured and raped during the Marcos regime, said the provisions “were deliberately placed there to ensure there is no abuse of executive authority by the executive in using martial law to perpetuate himself in power.”

"The executive can't declare martial law unilaterally to make sure the President is accountable to people through representatives in Congress and the Supreme Court," she added.

How to reconcile Duterte's recent statements with his previous remarks about being only a hardliner on crime and not a dictator? About his belief that martial law did not improve lives?

Note that a lot of these “disclaimers” were said months; even a year ago. A man, especially one like Rodrigo Duterte, can change his mind.

We heard his most recent “disclaimer” on Wednesday, January 18, when he agreed with the military there is “no compelling reason” at the moment to declare martial law.

But journalists covering his speech that day found it difficult to say he completely denied plans to declare martial law, because of what he said right after the “disclaimer.”

“There is no compelling reason really, but I will just fill you in as the days to come. It’s ISIS, is coming in very fast and itong (this) Mindanao is a pure case of rising nationalism,” he said.

What to make of this “but”? Does he mean he could declare martial law if the ISIS threat grows?

Presidential Spokesman Undersecretary Ernesto Abella interprets Duterte's recent statements this way: he could declare it but right now he won't.

"[The President] has said if conditions are ripe, it will happen but he will not [declare martial law]. He is simply saying at this stage, he will not," said Abella on Thursday, January 19, during a Palace news briefing.

Duterte's statements have been so confusing that even the government's lawyer, Solicitor-General Jose Calida was prompted to declare to media: "Sometimes, what you hear from him is not really what he wants to communicate."

The act of declaring martial law “in case of invasion or rebellion” is in itself not unlawful because such a power is in the Constitution.

But what should cause alarm is Duterte’s apparent disdain for the safeguards against martial law abuse that are also in the Constitution.

Duterte has previously said he will “honor” the Constitution since it is the only thing that “binds” Filipinos of all regions, cultures, and religions. 

Duterte is firmly behind moves to amend the 1987 Constitution to allow the country to shift to a federal system of government and to loosen some provisions seen as hampering economic development. But given his scorn for martial law provisions in the charter, will he try to take those out too?

If this happens, what safety measures can the Filipino people count on to guard against a repeat of the Marcos dictatorship?

The public awaits the President’s next remarks on martial law with hopes they will be clearer. – Rappler.com 

Cagayan de Oro flooding: Did Pagasa give enough warnings?

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MANILA, Philippines – In the aftermath of the massive flooding in Cagayan de Oro City that either stranded or displaced thousands on Monday, January 16, some netizens complained that the state weather bureau did not give enough warnings to the local government.

A two weeks' worth of rain was dumped on the area in just 6 hours, local authorities said. (READ: Too much rain, garbage, clogged waterways caused Cagayan de Oro flood)

Rappler checked, and found that state weather bureau Pagasa issued thunderstorm warnings in different parts of Mindanao as early as Sunday, January 15. The agency released a 24-hour rainfall warning for Mindanao at around 6 am of Monday, January 16. It had given rainfall and thunderstorm warnings over Northern Mindanao from time to time, starting at around 10 am Monday.

The advisories mostly said that flash floods and landslides were possible in the affected areas. It was only at 6:30 pm when Pagasa issued a heavy rainfall advisory in Northern Mindanao and the Zamboanga Peninsula. This time, the warning said, "serious flooding is expected in low-lying areas."

HEAVY RAINFALL ADVISORY. A screenshot of Pagasa's warning on Facebook from January 16, 2017.  

Local governments were slow?

Vergil Lago, weather monitoring chief from Cagayan de Oro City’s disaster office, said that he had been in touch with Pagasa.

“They (Pagasa) released a weather advisory at 11 am that a [low pressure area] and the tail-end of a cold front was affecting Northern Mindanao. So with that, as a nature of my task or function, I did really monitor religiously. At around 1:20 pm, I did make my advisory using all communications, all means of communications to the barangays concerned,” Lago told Rappler in a phone interview.

“We have also documented as to the one who answered our call as to that advisory. So as to that early warning or forwarding, overdone. But the problem now is to the LGUs, to the barangay, the local government units of the barangays,” Lago added.

He admitted that he also referred to other weather stations when monitoring the two weather systems, but clarified that it is only for internal use and final advisories were still based on the forecasts from Pagasa.

"When I did that referral, when I consulted some weather agencies, talagang nakikita ko. Kaya nga nagpalabas ako ng weather advisory, pinatawagan ko 'yung mga barangay na may possible flooding na parang mukhang serious. So as early as 1:30 [pm], lumabas na ang advisory," Lago explained.

(When I did that referral, when I consulted some weather agencies, I was really seeing it. That's why I issued an advisory. We called the barangays where serious flooding is possible. So as early as 1:30 [pm], the advisory was released.)

When the city government was asked whether Pagasa’s warnings regarding serious flooding in the afternoon were clear, Lago said, “Template naman nila yun eh. (That is their template.) Kung basahin mo doon sa kanilang advisories, kita mo (If you will read their advisories, you will see) that with this [weather] system, expect moderate or occasional heavy rains and [be] careful with those landslides and flash floods.”

However, for residents who don’t understand scientific terms, Pagasa did have its shortcomings, Lago said.

Para sa mga tao na lang in general, para doon sa mga hindi nakakaintindi, para sa hindi nakapag-interpret in layman’s term doon sa mga advisories ng Pagasa, talagang nagkulang 'yung Pagasa. But para sa akin na alam ko (at in usual contact ako sa PAGASA) kung meron akong hindi alam, talagang ako ang tumatawag sa kanila. So with that kind of being inquisitive, alam ko mag-interpret, so for me, hindi nagkulang 'yung Pagasa,” he said.

(For those who cannot understand nor interpret Pagasa’s advisories in layman’s term, Pagasa really had its shortcomings. But for me, I am in usual contact with Pagasa. If I don’t know something, I would really call them. So with that kind of being inquisitive, I know how to interpret. So for me, they did not have any shortcomings.) – Rappler.com

FAST FACTS: Things to know about the Miss Universe pageant

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AFTER 4 DECADES. Miss Philippines 2015, Pia Alonzo Wurtzbach (R), reacts as she is crowned the 2015 Miss Universe by 2014 Miss Universe Paulina Vega (L) during the 2015 Miss Universe Pageant at The Axis at Planet Hollywood Resort & Casino on December 20, 2015 in Las Vegas, Nevada. Photo by Ethan Miller/Getty Images/AFP

MANILA, Philippines – More than 80 candidates from all over the world are in the Philippines as the country is hosting the month-long 2016 Miss Universe competition.

The coronation night is set to happen on Monday, January 30, at the Mall of Asia (MOA) Arena at 8 am. (READ: Miss Universe 2016: Everything you need to know about the pageant)

This is the 3rd time the pageant is happening in the Philippines. The first one was in 1974 when Spain's Amparo Muñoz was crowned while the second happened in 1994 with Sushmita Sen of India winning as Miss Universe.

In 2015, a Filipina was crowned Miss Universe again after more than 4 decades of special awards and podium finishes.

Pia Alonzo Wurtzbach won the title on December 20, (December 21 in Manila) after pageant host Steve Harvey first announced Miss Colombia Ariadna Gutierrez as winner. (READ: Mix-up seen 'round the universe: Host Steve Harvey announces wrong winner)

Wurtzbach’s win, nonetheless, is well-deserved after a long journey – including 3 attempts at the Binibining Pilipinas title. (READ:  PH's Pia Wurtzbach wins Miss Universe 2015)

She joins the roster of beauty queens around the world. The Miss Universe 2015 title for the Philippines, meanwhile, further cements the country’s spot in international pageants. (READ: MAP: PH and the world in Big 4 beauty pageants)

But just how rich is the history of Miss Universe? Here are some interesting facts:  

1. Colombia waited 58 years before winning another Miss Universe crown.

Colombia first won the Miss Universe title in 1958, when the international beauty pageant was on its 7th year only. After 58 years, it won the title again in 2014.

 CountryYears between Miss Universe crowns
Colombia(1958 - 2014) 56 years
Japan(1959 - 2007) 48 years
Philippines(1973 - 2015) 42 years
Australia(1972 - 2004) 32 years
Finland(1952 - 1975) 23 years
Canada(1982 - 2005) 23 years

The Philippines, on the other hand, had to wait for 42 years after the 1973 win of Margarita "Margie" Moran. The country first won the crown through Gloria Diaz in 1969. (READ: Margie Moran-Floirendo on Miss Universe and Janine Tugonon)

2. The United States (US) has won the most number of Miss Universe titles since the pageant’s creation in 1952.

With 8 wins, the US leads the tally of countries with the most number of Miss Universe titles.

The country – where the pageant originated – first held the crown in 1954 and lately in 2012 with Olivia Culpo. It has also won a title in every decade since the 1950s – except during the 1970s and 2000s.

The US is followed by Venezuela with 7 titles, Puerto Rico with 5, and the Philippines with 3.

FOUR DECADES APART. Before Pia Wurtzbach's (R) win in 2015, the Philippines last held the Miss Universe crown in 1973 through Margie Moran (L).

Meanwhile, countries like the US, Venezuela, Colombia, Puerto Rico, Philippines, Brazil, Ukraine, France, and Australia are considered the latest “powerhouses” based on the number of podium finishes and wins in recent years.

Philippine representatives have been part of the top 10 candidates every year since 2010.

3. At 26, Pia Alonzo Wurtzbach is one of the 3 oldest Miss Universe title-holders.

The latest official rules of the Miss Universe pageant say that candidates should be between 18 and 26 years old.

Based on the data available, most of the Miss Universe beauty queens were crowned at the age of 18.  

Wurtzbach is one of the oldest title winners in the history of the international pageant.

She joins Brooke Lee of the US and Wendy Fitzwilliam of Trinidad & Tobago, who were both 26 when they won the Miss Universe crown in 1997 and 1998, respectively.

The youngest, meanwhile, is first-ever Miss Universe Armi Kuusela of Finland who won the title in 1952 at 17 years old. She married Filipino businessman Virgilio Hilario in 1953 after a short courtship.

4. Azerbaijan is the latest country to debut at the Miss Universe pageant.

Azerbaijan first joined the international beauty pageant in 2013, making it the youngest member.

However, a lot of countries have also debuted in the Miss Universe pageant in recent years, including Gabon and Lithuania in 2012, Kosovo in 2008, Tanzania in 2007, and Kazakhstan in 2006, among others.

The Philippines, meanwhile, joined the inaugural pageant in 1952 with Teresita Sanchez as representative. She was crowned Miss Philippines in April 1952 by then Manila mayor Arsenio Lacson.

5. The first Miss Universe to be dethroned was Miss Russia in 2002.

Russia won its first Miss Universe title through Oxana Fedorova in 2002. Her reign, however, lasted for only 4 months after she was dethroned for “failing to fulfill her duties,” the organizers said.

RUSSIA. Dethroned Miss Universe 2002 Oxana Fedorova of Russia during her coronation. Screengrap from Youtube.

Miss Russia was dethroned supposedly because she was pregnant and even married, but she said she wanted to concentrate on her law studies at the time.

First runner-up Justine Pasek of Panama replaced Fedorova and was crowned Miss Universe 2002.

In 2011, Miss Universe Leila Lopes from Angola was accused of producing false documents to allow her to join the local pageant Miss Angola UK. The accusations remained unproven and she continued her reign. – Rappler.com

LOOK: Bato dela Rosa attends 'Across the Crescent Moon' premiere

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CELEBRITY TOO. Many of those who attended the premiere asked the PNP chief for selfies. All photos by Alecs Ongcal/Rappler

Philippine National Police chief Ronald "Bato" dela Rosa on Friday night, January 20, took the time to grace a movie premiere amid calls for him to resign his post over the discovery that cops had murdered a kidnapped Korean businessman right inside Camp Crame, the PNP headquarters. 

Dela Rosa brought his family to the Uptown Mall Cinemas in Taguig to watch the premiere of Across the Crescent Moon, a movie about a Muslim member of the Special Action Force who is on a mission to investigate a human trafficking syndicate. 

The movie, which opens in cinemas nationwide on January 25, stars Matteo Guidicelli, Christopher de Leon, Dina Bonnevie, Gabby Concepcion, Ivan Carapiet, Sandy Andolong, Joem Bascon, and Jericho Estregan. It was directed by Baby Nebrida. 

On Thursday, after the National Bureau of Investigation released its findings, Dela Rosa admitted that businessman Jee Ick Joo was slain right inside the national headquarters after he was abducted from his home in Angeles City in Pampanga.

The PNP chief with his daughter

In a statement issued Friday night, House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez Jr called on Dela Rosa to resign "to save President Rodrigo Duterte from further embarrassment and restore respect to the Office of the PNP Chief."

The Speaker also said: "General Dela Rosa seems more interested in having a showbiz career and in landing on society pages of newspapers with his being everywhere doing mundane things like singing videoke and watching concerts."

Dela Rosa with his son

Dela Rosa graced the Rakrakan Festival last weekend, with the rock concert adopting an anti-drug theme. Days later, a netizen posted a photo of the PNP while watching the concert of Canadian singer Bryan Adams. 

Also on Friday, senators told the PNP chief that the incident is a wake-up call that he should not ignore. The brazen incident, which happened 3 months ago but was only uncovered this week, indicates police abuse of the government’s war on drugs, said Senator Panfilo Lacson, retired PNP chief and Dela Rosa’s former boss. – Rappler.com 

 

 


Coco levy fund scam: Gold for the corrupt, crumbs for farmers

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RACING AGAINST TIME. Nearly 44 years after the coco levy was first imposed, coconut farmers – belonging to the country's poorest of the poor – have continued to suffer in silence.

Part 1 of 3

QUEZON, Philippines – It’s a long, uphill climb to Barangay Potol in Tayabas, Quezon, one of the coconut farming towns in the province.

Just a few kilometers away from urban centers are makeshift bamboo bridges that have failed residents several times for the past decades.

Left with no option, residents like Aling Rosing, Ka Sita, and Mang Ruben live with the risk and go on with their lives.

The 3 are among the 3.5 million coconut farmers, earning an estimated P16,000 annually and belonging to the country’s poorest of the poor. They are victims of the coco levy fund scam from 1971 to 1983 under the Marcos administration, with collected taxes amounting to P9.7 billion.

These farmers were taxed by the government, only for their payments to be used by former president Ferdinand Marcos and his alleged cronies, Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco Jr, Juan Ponce Enrile, and some others, to invest in and buy businesses for their own benefit.

More than 45 years since the taxes were imposed on their coconut products, farmers have yet to receive the benefits promised them. They have had no option but to face reality and wait for the day when the funds – rightfully theirs – would be returned to them.

On Wednesday, January 18, several coconut farmers held a protest anew in front of the Department of Agriculture in Quezon City to demand the release of funds, which the Supreme Court ruled to belong to the public in 2014.

With stock certificates

Aling Rosing Valdeavilla, 77 years old, and her departed husband Remigio have been coconut farmers for more than 5 decades. They relied mainly on coconut and rice farming to support their 6 children.

Years may have passed, but for her, it seems just like yesterday when the government promised them “rewards” in exchange for taxes collected from their copra sales. Her husband died in 2013, and with him went the hope that they would one day reap the promised “rewards.”

She has carefully kept the “stock certificates” or the certificates indicating their supposed ownership of stocks of certain companies where their money was invested – United Coconut Planters Bank, Cocolife insurance, Legaspi Oil Company, Granexport Manufacturing Corporation, and San Pablo Manufacturing Corporation, among others.

Cojuangco was among the signatories in the documents.

UCPB. This shows Aling Rosing's husband had minute shares in the UCPB while big time businessmen and allies of former president Ferdinand Marcos had millions of stocks in several coco levy companies. Photo by Camille Elemia/Rappler  

Photo by Camille Elemia/Rappler

She also still has the coupons that served as proof then that the government deducted levies from their copra. 

BACK. The back portion of the receipts of levies imposed on coconut farmers. Photo by Camille Elemia/Rappler

TAX. This shows that on May 8, 1980, Aling Rosing's husband was deducted 55 centavos for 100 kilos of his copra.

Each year they hoped and hoped, but nothing came out of it. Aling Rosing is now living with her daughter and has no pension from the government. She said she and her husband did not avail of social security then because they had no money to pay for it.

"Paano sabi ipunin at may dadating na gantimpala sa amin. Ngayon sa bangko, isusubo namin at kami’y bibigyan daw. Ako'y binigyan nga po P150 lang. Yun lamang natanggap ko," she recalled.

(They told us to collect it and rewards will come soon after. I remitted some to a bank in Lucena because they said they will give us something in exchange. They gave us money but I only got P150. That's all I receiveed.)

Asked if she questioned it, Aling Rosing said: "Hindi, kami'y naniniwala na ganun sinasabi sa 'min, di naman kami natutol bakit ganyan lamang binigay sa amin."

(No. We believed whatever they were telling us. We didn't protest, why they gave us only a small amount.)

Trust fund for farmers

69-year-old widower Ruben Rasay and his deceased wife had been coconut farmers for more than 4 decades. Like Aling Rosing, he has no pension and is now living alone in his house, relying on his children’s graces to live day by day. Sometimes when his health permits, he says, he still makes copra.

ALONE. Ruben Rasay, 69, now lives alone in his home after his wife died. When his health allows him to, he still makes copra.

Unlike Ka Rosing, he was not able to keep the documents. In fact, he does not even understand what the coco levy is. All he cared about then, he said, was raising his children.

He, however, is sure that the government taxed him and his parents for their products.

“Narinig ko na yun noong una pa. Binibigyan kami ng card. Inipon nang inipon tapos naiwan na rin. Akala ko’y di na magagamit yun. Naririnig ko ang coco levy lagi pero di ko masyado, di ko binibigyang pansin. 'Di ko alam ano nangyayari noon,” he said.

(I heard about it before. We were given cards. We collected and collected them but we lost them. I thought they had no use. I always hear about the coco levy but I did not give it much attention. I did not know the details then.)

Luisita Esmao or Ka Sita, 60, grew up with coconut farmers as parents. She was unable to finish college but made it to 2nd year by being a working student in Manila.

Now, she is a farmer leader and is among those who marched from Davao City to Malacañang in 2014 to demand the execution of a trust fund for coconut farmers.

LONG ROAD. Ka Sita and other farmers living in Barangay Potol have to endure the nearly 1-hour hike with unreliable bridges to get to the highway.

“Ang tatay ko ay sila yung mismong nakolektahan ng coco levy. Maliit pa ako noon, may drawer ng aparador sa amin, punung-puno ng green coco receipts. Sabi ng nanay na pag nagsusulit (nagbebenta) si tatay mo, yan kinakaltas. Yan diumano coupon, yan daw ipunin at yan daw puwede makolekta at pakinabangan sa hinaharap," Ka Sita said.

(My father and mother were among those who were taxed the coco levy. I was small then, there was a drawer in one of our old cabinets filled with green coco receipts. My mother told me that it was deducted from my father's sales. Those coupons, she said, should be collected because we could get something in return in the future.)

Coco levy: The past that never sleeps

The coco levy refers to the taxes imposed on coconut farmers from 1971 to 1983 by Marcos and his cronies, promising the development of coconut farmers and the industry in exchange.

Cojuangco at the time was appointed chairman of the board of the Philippine Coconut Authority, tasked to collect and manage the funds.

According to the Philippine Commission on Good Government, the initial tax imposed was 55 centavos – the value of which was high in the 1970s – for the first domestic sale of every 100 kilos of copra or its equivalent.

COCO LEVY. Aling Rosing has kept these receipts of taxes deducted on her husband's products. Photo by Camille Elemia/Rappler

Upon the collection by the PCA of the initial P100 million, they established the Coconut Investment Fund (CIF), a capital stock subscribed to by the government for, and in behalf of, the coconut farmers.

The taxes imposed grew as years went by, reaching P100 per 100 kilos. The collections, amounting to P9.7 billion, were used by Marcos and his cronies to set up or invest in businesses for their own benefit.

This was also used to acquire two huge blocks of shares in the biggest food and beverage conglomerate in the country, San Miguel Corporation. (READ: The San Miguel-coco levy saga)

Coconut Industry Reform Movement (COIR) director Joey Faustino said stock certificates of the companies were distributed to 1.4 million individual names of coconut farmers, like Aling Rosing, to "make it appear that coconut farmers owned them.”

“While the farmers were issued 4 to 60 shares each, the cronies carried tens of millions of shares in their own individual names and their dummy companies. The farmers never even knew they were robbed of billions of pesos,” Faustino said.

At present, the PCGG said there is a total of P93 billion in coco levy assets. But the real value of total assets is more than this, as some are still under litigation.

Gold for the rich, crumbs for the poor

Despite the billions of pesos they technically own, coconut farmers continue to be among the country’s poorest of the poor.

A coconut farmer can be considered lucky if he or she has his or her own land to till. But for the majority, this is a far-fetched dream. The common rule is 60-40 – 60% of income goes to landowners while 40% goes to tenants.

Prices of copra are dictated by the market. Sometimes copra prices could go as low as P6 per kilo and, on rare occasions, as high as P60 per kilo.

At present, the price of copra is pegged at P35 to P40 a kilo. If a farmer gets to sell 100 kilos, he could get as much as P4,000 but P2,400 will go to his landowner and he will be left with P1,600.

But before he could take this home, he has to pay coconut pickers if he is not strong enough to do so, fruit collectors, coconut husk removers, and haulers. These could amount to P200. The remaining amount – P1,400 – has to be shared by co-tenants, usually 3 to 4 persons, leaving each with little to no money left to raise a family.

"On the average, karanasan namin noon, tanda ko pag nagsimula magcopra ang tatay kasama ang mga kasagpo ay ano e, halos breakeven or kung may matira kaunting kaunti lang. Sapat lang na konting bigas kasi habang nagko-copra, nangungutang na sa pinadadalhan ng copra," Ka Sita said.

(On the average, in our experience then, I remember when my father started making copra with his co-tenants. After he sold them it was just breakeven or if there was something left, it was just enough to buy rice. Because while you're making copra, you already borrow money from the buyer.)

"Mas mahirap mag-copra, lulutuin mo pa yun, lulukarin mo, sa tabi ng kalye ang sulitan, kaya kaunti na lang natitira. Kami’y tenants lang, ilan kami magkakapartida, 3 o 4, e di hati pa roon. Hindi sasapat," Mang Ruben shared.

(It's more difficult to make copra because you have to cook it, you have to get the meat. The selling station is far, it's beside the road, that's why very little is left for us.)

"Sisenta-kwarenta. 60-40 ang hatian. Maliit na lang napagkakasya namin kaya kami'y nag-aalagang baboy, saka kabayo at kalabaw," Aling Rosing said. (The sharing scheme is 60% and 40%. We make do with the little that we get. We also raise pigs, we used to have many of them before, horses, and carabaos.)

Of their total tax payments, Aling Rosing has received only a sum of P10,150 from coco levy companies.

She received P150 when she claimed the equivalent of her shares – pegged at P1 per share – as shown in the stock certificates. 

BLOOD AND TEARS. Aling Rosing and her husband Remigio worked almost all their life as coconut farmers. Remigio died in 2013, even before the Supreme Court upheld its decision on coco levy.

Her husband Remigio had to die before they could get something from Cocolife. Aling Rosing got a measly sum of P10,000 from the insurance of her husband who died at 83.

Despite this, she is still considered lucky. Ka Sita, Mang Ruben, and other farmers didn’t get anything because Cocolife said their deceased fathers, mothers, wives, or husbands are not in the so-called “master list” of coconut farmers who paid levies.

Time’s running out

More than two years since the Supreme Court upheld its decision saying 24% of SMC stocks (now amounting to P74 billion) belong to the public, the funds remain unused by the farmers as originally intended. Many have died waiting in vain.

Ka Sita could not help but turn emotional, as she remembered colleagues and families who already left them.

“Nanghihinayang ako at nalulungkot 'di nila naranasan yung ginhawa sana kung mayroong ginhawa na maaasahan. Sana kung maipamahagi sa taon na ito, sana buhay pa sila kasi kasama sila sa naghirap. Ganoon din magulang ko at iba pang magsasaka sa buong Pilipinas," she said.

(I feel so sorry and sad that they were not able to experience the comfort and convenience, if indeed there is something to be expected. I wish, if there is anything distributed this year, they would still be alive because they also worked hard for it, just like my parents and the other coconut farmers in the Philippines.)

It has been a promise of past and present administrations. Will it finally happen under the Duterte government? President Rodrigo Duterte promised to return the funds to coconut farmers but a law is still needed to make this possible.

At present, a coconut levy trust fund bill is pending in the 17th Congress. In the 16th Congress, it passed in the House of Representatives but failed in the Senate.

Faustino said Cojuangco, former ambassador and founder of a national political party, continues to exert influence among politicians.

But the farmers haven't lost hope. Time, however, is no longer on their side.

“Inaasahan ko. 'Pag talagang biyaya ng Panginoon ay idadating sa amin, ibibigay. Naasa rin naman ako na may dadating. Kung wala, siguro’y hanggang sa mamatay na lang ako wala na,” Aling Rosing said.

(I am hoping. If it's the will of God, I know it would be sent to us. I am expecting it will come. If not, then maybe until the day I die, we would not get it.) – Rappler.com

'Melted?' Liberal Party meets for 71st anniversary

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71ST. The once-ruling Liberal Party meet – albeit informally – for the first time since the May 2016 elections. Photo from the Liberal Party's Facebook page

A day after President Rodrigo Duterte belittled the once-ruling Liberal Party (LP) in a public speech, its remaining members and allies held a quiet gathering to celebrate the party’s 71 years of existence.

So takut-takutin ninyo ako niyang ‘Oust Duterte.’ Iyang 'yung yellow – ang yelo sa Bisaya eh ice. Bumili ka ng yelo, that’s ice. Eh matagal nang natunaw 'yan, pagtapos ng eleksyon, it melted. Sino pa'ng gustong mag-Liberal dito? Eh di wala. Sinong kaibigan ni Duterte? Kita mo. Sinabi ko eh,” said Duterte on January 18 in a speech in Nueva Ecija.

(Go ahead and scare me with that "Oust Duterte." Those yellows – in Bisaya, yelo means ice. You but yelo, that’s ice. But the [Liberal Party] has long melted, after the elections, it melted. So who still wants to be part of the Liberal Party? Nobody. Who is Duterte’s friend? See. I told you.)

The LP is the party of Duterte’s predecessor, former president Benigno Aquino III. For 6 years, the LP dominated Philippine politics, with party members occupying key positions in the executive and legislative branches, including local government units.

But as is the case after every election, many party members soon jumped ship to the new ruling party – Duterte's PDP-Laban.

On Thursday, January 19, several party members, including party chairman emeritus Aquino and current chairperson Vice President Leni Robredo, gathered at Mesa in Tomas Morato for a “fellowship night.”

It was an informal gathering for the most part, with short messages delivered by Aquino, Robredo, and current party president Senator Francis Pangilinan.

Members and friends 

“It was not just LP members but allies as well,” said one source who attended the party. Absent from the gathering was defeated LP 2016 standard-bearer Manuel Roxas II, who is vacationing abroad.

Robredo, in her speech, noted that it was the first time for the LP to gather since the May 9 elections.

In the 7 months or so since the 2016 elections, the party has never convened a formal meeting. For the most part, members have been meeting in small groups.

Was politics part of the conversation at Mesa?

“It was not for planning but a fellowship,” said the same source.

Pangilinan, however, will soon be convening “strategy meetings” for “party strengthening.”

“It’s going to be an attempt to re-evaluate the party,” said the source.

In a Thought Leader piece for Rappler, Pangilinan said: “From being the ruling party to the party at the margins, we at the Liberal Party are currently undertaking a process of deep consultation with our members and other stakeholders in order to determine together our strategic direction.”

There are at least 32 LP members in the House of Representatives, but that group is split between those who joined the PDP-Laban-led majority coalition and those who are part of the “independent minority.”

In the Senate, 4 senators are members of the LP, while another senator, Risa Hontiveros of Akbayan, is an LP ally. (READ: Senators to LP: Decide if you'll stick with majority)

The LP has yet to count how many LP members are left in local government positions.

“A lot have moved or will move with our concurrence,” said another party source, who declined to be named.

Duterte and the 'yellows'

Despite its dwindling numbers and delays in “party consolidation”, the LP has been a target of Duterte’s tirades as of late. He accuses the party of plotting his ouster

“'Yung mga yellow diyan, nagde-demonstrate kayo (You Yellows, you are demonstrating)…You want me out because you cannot accept defeat,” said the President in December 2016.

The party has denied these allegations.

Ties between the LP and Duterte soured during the course of the campaign period. While the former Davao City mayor endorsed Aquino and Roxas in 2010, the party and the President found themselves on opposing sides 6 years later.

Duterte and Roxas, long-time friends, constantly bickered during the campaign. Aquino even went as far as campaigning against Duterte and calling on Roxas and another presidential candidate, Senator Grace Poe, to unite against the Davao City mayor. 

And while Duterte and Robredo were never directly at odds during the campaign, their working relationship began and ended badly. She resigned from his Cabinet after she was told to "desist" from attending all Cabinet meetings. 

What’s next for the once-dominant party? It’ll be up to their 40 or so members to decide. – Rappler.com

PH needs strong institutions to overcome 'trust deficit'

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INSTITUTING REFORMS. Ateneo School of Government dean Ronald Mendoza says people need to trust in their leaders and institutions for reforms to take root. Rappler photo

MANILA, Philippines – Once called the "Sick Man of Asia," the Philippines is now among Southeast Asia's fastest-growing economies. But while money deficit is no longer the country's main problem, it seems to be suffering from a new kind of deficit: lack of trust in institutions.

"Trust is an important by-product of strong institutions. This is really why you build institutions that outlast government officials and regimes. Even if you transfer from one official to another, if you trust the institution, everyone aligns to continue to strengthen the institution, and implement collective action," Ateneo School of Government dean Ronald Mendoza said on Wednesday, January 18.

Mendoza said that since the fall of the Marcos dictatorship – a period that he said was characterized by "erosion of trust" and division among Filipinos – countless leaders have tried to restore citizens' trust in their democratically-elected government.

And to some extent, there have been successes: the Philippines won its first investment grade rating in 2013 – a vote of confidence in countries considered safe to invest in.

But the challenge, Mendoza said, was to sustain the reforms that would keep Filipinos and the international community confident in the Philippines' institutions – including its judiciary, central bank, and other agencies related to governance.

He added that while it took years for the Philippines to recover from the Marcos-era erosion of trust, undoing all of that progress doesn't take too long.

"Institution-building is a very long and tedious process but institution-destroying is a very quick process. In the hands of the wrong people, if you put the institution in the hands of people who will abuse it, it will not take 25 years again to destroy it," he said.

"It will be very quick. Trust will be eroded, doubt will be planted in people's minds, and that's unfortunately the risk that we still face," Mendoza added.

Sustaining reforms

Part of the challenge, Mendoza said, was how to explain the process of setting solutions in place. Reforms should produce enough results so that citizens will continue imbuing government institutions with a "down payment of trust."

But some solutions may not yield immediate results, although these would be ultimately beneficial in the long run. These, Mendoza said, are the kinds of solutions that would be difficult to explain or communicate to the public.

"Napakahirap ipaliwanag na ang isang reporma, maganda ang design, pero 'yung implementation niya, maaaring magkamali tayo doon. At kung nagkamali tayo doon, baka ang knee-jerk reaction nating lahat, i-junk 'yung reform," he said.

(It's very hard to explain that reforms may be designed well, but may encounter mistakes at the implementation level. And if we make a mistake there, our knee-jerk reaction might be to junk that reform.)

People also tended to look to a single person as the face of reform instead of scrutinizing the actual solutions being proposed.

"Nandoon tayo sa level na napakalaki ng paniniwala natin hindi sa institusyon, kundi doon sa reformist. Tapos akala natin iisang tao, aayusin lahat 'yan, when in fact that person needs all of us to help out," Mendoza said.

(We're still at the level where we place our trust not on the institution, but on the reformist. And then we think that just one person can fix all the problems, when in fact that person needs all of us to help out.)

To ensure that reforms are sustained and strengthened in an institution, Mendoza said leaders should have a degree of humility: to acknowledge that their role is to "make the next person look a lot better than me."

"Our economy is quite strong for the most part because the administration we have right now is building on the gains of the last administration. That's the kind of thing we want to see more of. 'Yung maganda, palakasin pa; 'yung pangit tanggalin (Strengthen the good practices and remove the bad ones). But you don't need to start from scratch and that's how you build institutions over time," Mendoza said. 

"We're seeing people putting a lot of trust in the Duterte administration, which, I think, is a good sign; that's the down payment on pushing reforms. And one hopes that they will use all that political capital to push the right reforms, the deep structural reforms that our country really needs," he added. – Rappler.com

A look at the 2017 budget: Will it help Duterte fulfill his promises?

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MANILA, Philippines – The country begins 2017 with a brand new national budget, signed by President Rodrigo Duterte before the 2016 holidays.

The P3.35 trillion budget, the first to be approved under Duterte's watch, is the highest budget given to an administration. How has it been allocated to fulfill the many promises Duterte has made to the Filipino people?

Rappler takes a close look at the 2017 General Appropriations Act and compares it to the 2016 General Appropriations Act to see what changes the Duterte administration has brought to the budget to fulfill the President’s vows to citizens. 

How much larger are funds for law enforcement agencies this year so they can continue waging the “war on drugs”?

Will the bigger budget be felt in places like the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao after Duterte promised development in all corners of the country? How much will be allocated to the popular conditional cash transfer program?


Top 5 most well-funded agencies

Duterte previously said, if elected president, he would make agriculture, education, and health his 3 top budget priorities. In the 2017 budget, the Department of Education makes it to the top 5 most well-funded agencies.

While the agriculture and health departments are not on the list, funds for agriculture and health have made their way to other programs not necessarily under the two departments.

Funds for campaign promises

Is Duterte’s determination to fulfill his campaign promises reflected in the budgets for agencies that will be fulfilling these promises?

A comparison of the 2017 and 2016 budgets shows increases in almost all agencies and programs that have to do with his campaign pledges – from suppressing illegal drugs to spending more on transportation infrastructure.

Changes in budget from 2016 to 2017:

  

Suppress drugs, crime by March 2017 (new date due to extension)

Budgets of crime-fighting agencies increased substantially, with the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency budget, for instance, posting an almost 100% increase. Duterte’s own confidential and intelligence funds are 400% higher than former President Benigno Aquino III's last year.

Philippine National Police

  • 2017: P111.6 billion
  • 2016: P88.5 billion
  • Up by 26% 

Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency

  • 2017: P1.8 billion
  • 2016: P957.1 million
  • Up by 92%

Dangerous Drugs Board

  • 2017: P125.1 million
  • 2016: P115.2 million
  • Up by 8.6%

Office of the President’s confidential and intelligence funds

  • 2017: P2.5 billion
  • 2016: P500 million
  • Up by 400%

National Intelligence Coordinating Agency

  • 2017: P793.7 million
  • 2016: P581.9 million
  • Up by 36% 

Rehabilitate drug addicts

Rehabilitation of drug addicts is phase 2 of the campaign against illegal drugs, according to the Palace. 

  • DDB funds for drug rehabilitation centers: P77 million
  • Department of Health treatment and rehabilitation centers: P2.6 billion

Double salaries of military and police in 3 years

  • Combat duty and combat incentive pay of military and police: P12.1 billion

Talk peace with Communist Party of the Philippines, Moro separatist groups

Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process

  • 2017: P8.1 billion
  • 2016: P767.9 million
  • Up by 950% 

The huge increase is because of the P7 billion for PAMANA projects to be implemented by OPAPP. In previous years, OPAPP merely monitored the projects while they were implemented by other agencies.

PAMANA is a program that funds infrastructure and social development projects in conflict areas in the belief that peace can only be achieved by addressing poverty, one of the causes of violence in the areas.

Decentralize economic growth

Internal Revenue Allotment for local governments 

  • 2017: P486.9 billion
  • 2016: P428.6 billion
  • Up by 13.6% 

Local Government Support Fund

  • 2017: P39.7 billion
  • 2016: P19.1 billion
  • Up by 108%

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao

  • 2017: P32.3 billion
  • 2016: P28.5 billion
  • Up by 13.2%

Mindanao Development Authority

  • 2017: P170.4 million
  • 2016: P117.2 million
  • Up by 45%

Prioritize education

Department of Education

  • 2017: P544.1 billion
  • 2016: P411.9 billion
  • Up by 32% 

Commission on Higher Education

  • 2017: P18.7 billion
  • 2016: P5.6 billion
  • Up by 234%

P8.3 billion of CHED budget for free tuition for college students in state universities and colleges

State universities and colleges

  • 2017: P58.7 billion (increase is for scholarship funds and capital outlay)
  • 2016: P47.4 billion
  • Up by 24%

Improve Conditional Cash Transfer program

Department of Social Welfare and Development

  • 2017: P128.3 billion
  • 2016: P110.8 billion
  • Up by 16%

Conditional Cash Transfer program

  • 2017: P78.2 billion
  • 2016: P62.7 billion
  • Up by 25%

Prioritize health, improve access of poor to free healthcare

Department of Health

  • 2017 (including PhilHealth): P149.5 billion
  • 2016 (including PhilHealth): P125.5 billion
  • Up by 19%

Health Facilities Enhancement Program

  • 2017: P24.2 billion
  • 2016: P26.9 billion
  • Down by 10%

Assistance to Indigent Patients

  • 2017: P4 billion
  • 2016: P2.8 billion
  • Up by 43%

The P3 billion increase for PhilHealth was approved to cover all Filipinos in a “universal healthcare program” and so that “indigent patients will not have to pay for anything in government hospitals under the No Balance Billing (NBB) policy,” said Senate finance committee chairperson Loren Legarda.

P4 billion was allocated for “assistance to indigent patients,” an increase from the P2.9 allocation in 2016.

P1.5 billion was also allocated for the Doctors to the Barrio program, construction of additional health facilities, and medical assistance to indigent patients, added Legarda.

Improve transportation, development infrastructure to spread economic growth, decongest Metro Manila

Department of Public Works and Highways

  • 2017: P454.7 billion
  • 2016: P384.3 billion
  • Up by 18%

Department of Transportation

  • 2017: P53.3 billion
  • 2016: P42.6 billion
  • Up by 25%

P850 billion was allocated for the construction of road networks in cities and provinces, sea ports, airports, school buildings, and hospitals.

Provide free irrigation

  • P2 billion subsidy allocated to subsidize irrigation fees

Help micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs)

Department of Trade and Industry

  • 2017: P4.7 billion
  • 2016: P4.2 billion
  • Up by 12%

Micro Small and Medium Enterprise Development Council Fund

  • 2017: P21.3 million
  • 2016: 21.3 million
  • No change

P1 billion was allocated under the Small Business Corporation “so it can provide loans at almost no interest to microenterprises,” said Legarda.

Fight terrorism, secure national borders

Department of National Defense

  • 2017: P137.2 billion
  • 2016: P117.5 billion
  • Up by 17%

Help overseas Filipino workers

Philippine Overseas Employment Administration

  • 2017: P579.5 million
  • 2016: P487.1 million
  • Up by 19%

Commission on Filipinos Overseas

  • 2017: P84.3 million
  • 2016: P86.2 million
  • Down by 2.1%

Notables about Duterte’s first budget

Higher than usual funds for social protection

Social Watch Philippines (SWP), a non-governmental organization scrutinizing national budgets since 2006, spotted some unique characteristics of the 2017 budget.

Among recent administrations, the Duterte administration has allotted the biggest percentage of its budget to social services.

Based on SWP’s analysis, P1.3 trillion or 40% of the national budget is for “education spending, health care spending and social protection like direct cash transfers,” said Isagani Serrano, Social Watch Philippines co-convener and president of Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement.

“Compared to previous budgets, that’s bigger. During the Aquino administration, it did not hit 40%, it was always around 30%. It was even lower during Gloria [Macapagal Arroyo’s] time,” he told Rappler.

He commended the administration for higher conditional cash transfer funds, new rice grant funds under CCT, and the P19.4 billion Assistance to Disadvantaged Municipalities.

“It’s going to help because that’s a direct transfer. Any additional transfer to the poor municipalities, any real transfer that happens to the poor is something to be welcomed for us,” he said.

Serrano thinks the large budgets for education, health, and social services go well with the Duterte administration’s goal of bringing down the country’s poverty rate to 14% in 2022 from 21.6% in 2015. But he thinks the government can do better.

“This is a huge promise and the government can be probably commended for putting it at that ambition level, but for us, it’s still not ambitious enough. We want to see extreme poverty ended under the Duterte regime,” said Serrano.

Is government funding the right infrastructure?

The P850-billion infrastructure budget seems poised to create more jobs and spur development in key parts of the country. But Serrano wonders if it’s funding the kind of infrastructure that will bring about inclusive economic growth.

He pointed out that a majority of the infra budget is for road network services, not public transportation systems.

“If it’s big infra, we want to see it in mass transit, in ports, because we are an archipelago so we want a development of the port system and then the train system. We don’t want expansion of highways,” said Serrano.

More highways create an incentive for car ownership which he said practically translates to “an indirect subsidy to the rich” rather than the pro-poor public transit systems like trains and sea ports.

SWP also wanted to see more funds for light infrastructure: rural roads, electrification, and sanitation and water infrastructure.

Funds prone to abuse

While Duterte continues to sound the call against corruption, Serrano said one needs only to look at the 2017 budget to see windows of opportunity for abusive spending practices.

For instance, he criticized the “highly discretionary” intelligence and confidential funds under the Office of the President, which posted a 400% increase compared to 2016.

Because of the sensitive nature of the funds, they can only be looked into by the Commission on Audit chairperson. But for Serrano, these funds can and should be explained after they are spent.

“In the pre-audit, maybe not, we can understand because that will compromise whatever plans they have. But after, there should be an accounting for it,” he said.

Another red flag for Serrano is the supposed pork barrel-like funds for ARMM infrastructure projects that had been lodged in the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH).

The roughly P9-billion funds were questioned by Senator Panfilo Lacson to the point that come bicameral committee, members of the House of Representatives who pushed for the funds agreed to transfer the funds to the Commission on Higher Education for free tuition in state-run universities.

But SWP pointed out that, despite this move, DPWH was able to retain the P9 billion because of other additions to its budget.

SWP shares Lacson’s concern that this additional budget likely came from the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (Calamity) Fund which experienced a large cut – from a proposed budget of P37.255 billion to a mere P15.755 billion in the signed 2017 budget law. That's a cut of P21.5 billion.

Serrano doesn’t buy the House of Representatives' reasoning that just because projects are itemized means they are not prone to pork-like practices.

“This is probably all itemized, in that sense, it’s not pork. But if they have a connection to the projects because they were the ones who proposed it and that’s been pre-arranged with contractors, that’s the thing worth watching,” said Serrano.


With the budget allocated, citizens should be on the lookout for how government money is spent. Only the implementation of funded programs will show if the 2017 national budget helped fulfill President Duterte’s promises to the people.– Rappler.com

 

Free tuition in state colleges: When CHED officials clash

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Patricia Licuanan has a history of uttering the most controversial statements as chair of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), and her latest this week is from a television interview where she talked about the challenges of implementing a tuition-free policy that comes with a whopping P8.3-billion allocation.

"The poorest of the poor are not yet in college, they have been knocked out long ago, so you know, that is a concern of ours. And those who get into college...only 8% [belong to the poorest quintile], so it's not going to benefit the poor, so we've got to do something much more. It has to be studied very carefully," she said

This statement riled many, including Senator Paolo Benigno Aquino IV who did not mince words as he called the Commission "out of touch" for making such claims. (READ: Higher budget, free tuition in state colleges: Easier said than done)

But another government official from within the CHED itself used stronger words to describe Licuanan's remarks: "insensitive and elitist."

"Even if only 8% of students currently enrolled in higher education are poor, as Licuanan claims, the P8.3-billion infusion would still help close to 150,000 poor students complete their education. The new funding will also alert more students from poor households that they can enroll in universities," CHED Commissioner Prospero de Vera III said in a statement sent to the media on Saturday, January 21.

De Vera, the first Duterte appointee in the Commission, said he found it "surprising and ironic" for the "CHED leadership" to call the P8.3-billion an "insufficient" allocation that "won't help poor students," when CHED officials have been asserting for the national government to increase its investments in higher education.

"Besides, what was the basis to say that only 8% of the poor are enrolled in higher education? How is 'poor' defined? And are the current tuition rates in the 114 state universities and colleges (SUCs) prohibitive only for poor households?"

To partly answer this question, we were told that the 8% figure came from a CHED study in 2015.

"We at the UniFAST secretariat did our own calculations using the [Annual Poverty Indicators Survey] 2014 data and it showed 'students belonging to the bottom 2 deciles of the population comprise 7% of SUCs students'," Nicki Tenazas, lead consultant at Unified Student Financial Assistance System for Tertiary Education (UniFAST), added.

But whatever the latest figure may be, Tenazas said CHED is "making sure…the financially disadvantaged will be the priority in the implementation of the free tuition policy, in line with the order of the President."

By the end of De Vera's two-page statement, he called on his own agency to immediately draft the implementing rules and regulations of the tuition-free policy "instead of questioning the impact" of the P8.3-billion allocation.

What's ironic is De Vera's statement, which bore the letterhead of the Commission, was sent to the media on Saturday through Malacañang's media mailing list, with the subject "Press Statement from CHED."

But the Office of the CHED Chairperson – where most of the Commission's press releases come from – did not have prior knowledge of De Vera's statement.

Asked to comment on the commissioner's scathing words, our source from Licuanan's office said the chairperson is "not interested in commenting at the moment."

"Definitely we are implementing the free tuition [policy] and CHED wants to do it well and to the rightful recipients," the source added.

In fact, Licuanan will meet Aquino – chair of the Senate committee on education, arts, and culture – next week to discuss the issue at hand.

Will she also meet with De Vera to discuss their differences? They may have more issues to talk about beyond the tuition-free policy; De Vera, after all, is the top pick of some CHED officials to act as officer-in-charge in place of Licuanan.

The embattled chairperson was told in December 2016 to stop attending all Cabinet meetings of the Duterte administration. This raised speculations she would resign like Vice President Leni Robredo.

But it looks like the chairperson is not going anywhere, given her determination to implement the tuition-free policy and "whatever is the law" – even if she has issues about it. – Rappler.com

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