Quantcast
Channel: Newsbreak
Viewing all 8806 articles
Browse latest View live

TIMELINE: When Foreign Secretary Yasay was a foreigner

$
0
0

ONCE AN AMERICAN. Foreign Secretary Perfecto Yasay Jr becomes an American in November 1986 and renounces his US citizenship in June 2016. File photo by Zach Gibson/AFP

MANILA, Philippines – To escape the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, lawyer Perfecto Yasay Jr fled the Philippines to seek refuge in the United States, where he eventually became a citizen.

Nearly 4 decades later, Yasay is back in the Philippines as foreign secretary of President Rodrigo Duterte. 

What happened in between?

Rappler pieces together the following timeline based on Yasay's testimony before the Commission on Appointments (CA), documents released by the Inquirer, those obtained by Occidental Mindoro Representative Josephine Ramirez Sato from Yasay himself, and information previously published by Rappler.

Yasay is now facing intense public scrutiny as he denies ever being a US citizen when evidence shows otherwise. (READ: On U.S. citizenship: Did Yasay commit perjury?)

1978

February– Yasay immigrated to the US under Alien Registration No. A36118516 "to flee the repressive regime of Marcos." 

1986

February– Yasay's US citizenship application remained pending while Marcos was ousted on February 25, 1986, by the EDSA People Power Revolution 

March 3– Yasay visited the Philippines "to witness the developments" after the toppling of Marcos, "with the end view of making a decision on whether or not to return and reestablish" himself in the Philippines. Upon his return to the US, Yasay decided to return to the Philippines for good.

November 24– Yasay took his oath as a US citizen, even as he claimed to have "finalized" plans to return to the Philippines and "abandon" his residency in the US. Part of the oath states, "I absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, of whom or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen."

November 26– Yasay was "granted United States citizenship by the US District Court, District of New Jersey, under Petition No. 12831295." This item is indicated in the documents submitted by Yasay to Sato on February 22, 2017.

1987

January 8– Yasay "abandoned" US residency and returned to the Philippines "to establish permanent residence there."

1993

February 23– Yasay executed an affidavit saying that he abandoned his residency in 1987, making him "ineligible" for, and "disqualified" from, having US citizenship. He told the CA on February 22, 2017, that this "nullified" his oath of allegiance to the US, which means he "did not acquire legal status as US citizen."

March– Yasay became associate commissioner of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).

1995 to 2000– Yasay chaired the SEC, eventually testifying at the impeachment trial of then president Joseph Estrada. 

2001– Yasay ran for senator and lost.

2007 to 2009 – Yasay used his American passport with No. 121190223, according to two independent sources who provided this information to Rappler

2009

November 30 – The Commission on Elections received Yasay's certificate of candidacy (COC) for vice president, where he stated under oath that he was "not a permanent resident of, or immigrant to, a foreign country."

2010– Yasay ran for vice president as running mate of Brother Eduardo "Eddie" Villanueva, and lost again.

2016

May 16  President Rodrigo Duterte announced he offered Yasay to serve as his acting foreign affairs secretary for a year. 

May 18 – Yasay accepted the offer.

June 28– Yasay "formally renounced his US citizenship before a consular officer at the US embassy Manila, Philippines." This item was also indicated in the documents submitted by Yasay to Sato on February 22, 2017.

June 30– Yasay assumed office as Duterte's secretary of foreign affairs.

November 28 – Rappler asked Yasay if he was ever a US citizen. He answered, "I am a Filipino, I have always been a Filipino, and I have never been a US citizen. I continue to be a Filipino, so that's the end of the story." Rappler also asked him if he ever owned a US passport. He responded, "I did not own a US passport, all right?"

2017

February 9 – The US included the name "Perfecto Rivas Yasay Jr" in its list of American citizens "who lost citizenship." The list contains the names "of each individual losing United States citizenship" based on information received as of December 31, 2016, according to the US Internal Revenue Service. It also includes "long-term residents" of the US, who "are treated as if they were citizens of the United States who lost citizenship."

February 22 – Yasay appeared before the CA and claimed that he "never legally acquired US citizenship." Instead of flatly denying owning a US passport, Yasay said he does "not have any information about that passport at all," based on his "personal knowledge."

Yasay is set to face the CA again in the coming days, as CA foreign affairs committee chairman Senator Panfilo Lacson said Yasay could be liable for perjury because he claimed he was never a US citizen. – Rappler.com


FACT CHECK: Did Calida flip-flop on Napoles illegal detention case?

$
0
0

'PORK BARREL SCAM QUEEN.' Authorities take a mug shot of Janet Lim Napoles, who is accused of masterminding the pork barrel scam, the biggest corruption scandal in Philippine history. Rappler file photo

MANILA, Philippines – The Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) filed in January this year a controversial manifestation before the court, saying Janet Lim Napoles is not guilty of serious illegal detention, but documents obtained by Rappler show that the OSG filed a court brief 6 months earlier saying Napoles was indeed guilty of the crime.

In a "manifestation in lieu of rejoinder" submitted to the Court of Appeals on January 11, 2017, the OSG recommended the acquittal of Napoles for the crime of serious illegal detention filed by her supposed cousin, employee, and whistleblower Benhur Luy. The Makati Regional Trial Court (RTC) Branch 150 convicted Napoles in 2015 and sentenced her to at least 30 years in jail.

Solicitor General Jose Calida defended this latest manifestation and said it was part of his job as the "16th justice of the Supreme Court" to correct injustice when he sees one.

A Supreme Court ruling allows the Solicitor General to take a position adverse to the government. (READ: FACT CHECK: Where should the Solicitor General stand in Napoles' case?)

However, on August 8, 2016, or 6 months earlier, the OSG filed an appellee's brief before the CA, saying that the Makati court was right in convicting Napoles.

By that time Rodrigo Duterte had won as president. It was on May 20 that the choice of Calida as solicitor-general was also announced by the new administration.

Earlier brief 

{source} <p  style=" margin: 12px auto 6px auto; font-family: Helvetica,Arial,Sans-serif; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; font-size: 14px; line-height: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; -x-system-font: none; display: block;">   <a title="View SolGen&#x27;s brief on the Napoles detention case filed August 2016 on Scribd" href="https://www.scribd.com/document/340482958/SolGen-s-brief-on-the-Napoles-detention-case-filed-August-2016#from_embed"  style="text-decoration: underline;" >SolGen&#x27;s brief on the Napoles detention case filed August 2016</a> by <a title="View Lian Buan's profile on Scribd" href="https://www.scribd.com/user/348501701/Lian-Buan#from_embed"  style="text-decoration: underline;" >Lian Buan</a> on Scribd</p><iframe class="scribd_iframe_embed" src="https://www.scribd.com/embeds/340482958/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-Icy162wgjrV41JWRhf6L&show_recommendations=true" data-auto-height="false" data-aspect-ratio="0.6538461538461539" scrolling="no" id="doc_98550" width="100%" height="600" frameborder="0"></iframe> {/source}

"The prosecution has established all the elements of the crime of serious illegal detention," the OSG said in its August 2016 brief.

"Truly, Benhur Luy was incapacitated by fear. Throughout his detention, he was repeatedly threatened with bodily harm upon him and/or his family, so much so that he blindly believed and followed what he was told by appellant (Napoles) and accused Reynald Lim," the brief said.

"Truly, the evidence convincingly shows that Benhur Luy was being detained against his will from December 19, 2012 to March 22, 2013 for the purpose of keeping him from divulging (Napoles') illegal deals and transactions, and that (Napoles) had not just knowledge of the crime, but she was the one who orchestrated it," the brief also said.

Six months later, the OSG did an about-face in a manifestation it filed, in essence, parroting the arguments Napoles made during her court hearings.

"After examining anew the evidence presented by both the prosecution and defense, the OSG finds that the evidence presented does not support beyond reasonable doubt that the appellant committed the crime of serious illegal detention," the January 2017 manifestation reads.

The August 2016 and January 2017 documents had Calida's name on them although his signature does not appear on both.

Not a flip-flop

{source} <p  style=" margin: 12px auto 6px auto; font-family: Helvetica,Arial,Sans-serif; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; font-size: 14px; line-height: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; -x-system-font: none; display: block;">   <a title="View Solicitor General&#x27;s manifestation filed on January 11, 2017 on Scribd" href="https://www.scribd.com/document/340486840/Solicitor-General-s-manifestation-filed-on-January-11-2017#from_embed"  style="text-decoration: underline;" >Solicitor General&#x27;s manifestation filed on January 11, 2017</a> by <a title="View Lian Buan's profile on Scribd" href="https://www.scribd.com/user/348501701/Lian-Buan#from_embed"  style="text-decoration: underline;" >Lian Buan</a> on Scribd</p><iframe class="scribd_iframe_embed" src="https://www.scribd.com/embeds/340486840/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-ZIV7jec4OCwYIVLZ2WfS&show_recommendations=true" data-auto-height="false" data-aspect-ratio="0.6519536903039074" scrolling="no" id="doc_87051" width="100%" height="600" frameborder="0"></iframe>{/source}

Calida, during a news conference on Monday, February 27, clarified he did not flip-flop.

According to Calida, he had nothing to do with the August brief. He said it did not go through him for final checking before it was submitted to the court.

“At that time there was still this old rule that in cases filed before the CA, if it is initiatory pleading, then it must pass through me. If it is an affirmatory pleading but the sentence – we will reccommend  for the modification of sentence, it will go through me. In other matters, it will not. The appellee brief is not an initiatory pleading and not an affirmatory pleading where we will modify the sentence, that’s why it did not go through me, I did not know it at that time," Calida explained.

The former justice undersecretary said he changed this internal rule last September, so he was able to check when Napoles filed a response to the OSG's appellee's brief.

"They had to give the document to me for my comment regarding the replied pleading of Napoles, that triggered the review of this case," Calida said.

Rappler reached out to Calida's predecessor, former Solicitor General Florin Hilbay, to ask if the August 8, 2016 brief was done during his time and carried over to Calida's term.

In a text message, Hilbay simply said: "I was co-terminus with President Aquino. I left office on June 30."

Special interest?

Calida maintained he did not give special interest to the Napoles case. He said he is currently reviewing a multitude of cases to check if there was miscarriage of justice committed against other individuals.

Raji Mendoza, lawyer for Benhur Luy, told Rappler that despite the OSG siding with Napoles on the illegal detention case, they are still confident the conviction will hold.

"Malakas ang kaso, 2 taon 'yang nilitis, lahat ng ni-raise nila (OSG at Napoles) nasagot na 'yan noong hearing. In case there is political weight into it, we hope the justices will maintain the integrity of the judiciary. Kung ano man ang nakikita ni Calida, siya lang ang nakakakita 'nun," Mendoza said.

(We have a strong case, it was tried for two years, everything that the OSG and Napoles raised have already been answered in the RTC hearings. In case there is political weight into it, we hope the justices will maintain the integrity of the judiciary. Whatever Calida sees in the Napoles case, he's the only one seeing it.)

It is not just Calida, however, as President Rodrigo Duterte said he supports his solicitor general in the recommendation to acquit Napoles in her illegal detention case. How that will play out remains to be seen. – Rappler.com

Pacquiao tells LP they can keep some posts: 'May awa din ako'

$
0
0

CALLING THE SHOTS? Neophyte Senator Manny Pacquiao says Liberal Party senators can still keep some posts after they are relieved. Photo from Office of Senator Pacquiao

A neophyte senator calling the shots?

“May awa din naman ako." (I also have mercy.)

This is what world-boxing-champion-turned-senator Manny Pacquiao said in jest when asked what would happen to the remaining committees held by Liberal Party senators, who were stripped of their powers on Monday, February 27.

It was Pacquiao, a key administration ally, who motioned to relieve Senators Franklin Drilon, Francis Pangilinan, Risa Hontiveros, and Paolo Benigno Aquino IV from their posts.

Drilon was removed as Senate President Pro-Tempore, Pangilinan was relieved as agriculture committee chairman, and Aquino was sacked as education committee chairman. Akbayan's Hontiveros was also removed as health committee head.

At present, Drilon is still the head of the committee on constitutional amendments; Aquino is still the chair of the committee on science and technology; and Hontiveros remains chair of the committee on women and children.

Administration senator Cynthia Villar, however, said Drilon might still be booted out of the committee if the measure seeking to change the Constitution does not move under him.

“They will think about it. Kung di magmo-move yun, baka pati yun ma-transfer,” Villar said. (They will think about it. If it doesn't move, even that [committee] might be transferred.)

Villar said it was Pacquiao who volunteered to move to oust the 4 LP-allied senators: "Gusto n'ya yon."

Pacquiao was a former member of the LP before joining PDP-Laban in 2012. He, however, ran under former vice president Jejomar Binay's United Nationalist Alliance in 2016. He then returned to the Partido Demokratikong Pilipino-Laban (PDP-Laban), the party of the President, after President Rodrigo Duterte won.

In September 2016, Pacquiao also moved to oust Senator Leila de Lima as chairperson of the Senate committee on justice, after she presented whistle-blower Edgar Matobato, who accused President Rodrigo Duterte of ordering killings when he was mayor of Davao City. – Rappler.com

Criminal charges filed by Central Bank still haunt Yasay

$
0
0

MORE QUESTIONS. Foreign Secretary Perfecto Yasay Jr is expected to explain the 4 criminal charges filed against him before the DOJ once his confirmation hearing continues. File photo by Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – Before a perjury case can even be filed against him for allegedly lying about his citizenship, Foreign Secretary Perfecto Yasay Jr is already facing criminal charges filed by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) in 2011.

The Philippines' top diplomat, a former bank director, is the subject of 4 criminal charges lodged by the BSP in April 2011 "for falsification, grant of illegal loans, and major violations of banking laws."

Justice Undersecretary Erickson Balmes confirmed to Rappler that the criminal charges against Yasay remain pending with the Department of Justice (DOJ) as of Tuesday, February 28, or nearly 6 years after the BSP filed these.

Balmes said that "beyond that, we cannot say anything else."

The Commission on Appointments (CA) is set to grill Yasay about these charges when they resume his confirmation hearing on a yet unconfirmed date.

Senator Panfilo Lacson, chairman of the CA foreign affairs committee, said the commission was unable to tackle Yasay's DOJ cases in their previous hearing, as they focused on Yasay's citizenship as well as his views on the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea). 

"But I'm sure 'yung mga congressmen, at saka 'yung iba, ita-tackle 'yan sa next hearing," Lacson told Rappler on Tuesday. (But I'm sure that the congressmen and the others will tackle that in the next hearing.)

Rappler sought Yasay for comment via email and text message, but the foreign secretary, who is overseas, has not responded to our questions as of posting time. We will update this story if and when he replies to our queries.

'Unsafe, hazardous' banking practices

The BSP filed the charges against him and 9 other Banco Filipino officials on April 4, 2011. Yasay was then director of Banco Filipino,

The BSP said Yasay and the other Banco Filipino officials "repeatedly violated several laws" on account of the following:

  • "Willful refusal to stop the conduct of unsafe, hazardous, and unsound banking practices"
  • "Falsification and issuance of false statements to hide the true financial condition of the bank"
  • "Willful refusal to file audited financial statements"
  • "Willful refusal to report DOSRI (directors, officers, stockholders, and other related interest) loans"
  • "Twenty-six counts of willful refusal to comply with numerous banking laws and BSP directives"

The BSP pointed out that Banco Filipino "engaged in hazardous lending and lax collection policies and practices."

Years after the BSP filed these charges against him, Yasay is said to be a candidate, too, for BSP governor. 

The New Central Bank Act of 1993 said the post of BSP governor also requires CA confirmation, but a BSP press statement in 2001 said otherwise

Scrutinizing integrity

In this confirmation process, the CA is expected to scrutinize appointees like Yasay for criminal and administrative cases.

The Rules of the CA as of September 2007, in fact, require appointees to submit a "statement, under oath, whether the nominee or appointee has any pending criminal or administrative case against him."

Lacson said having criminal or administrative cases does not necessarily stop the CA from confirming an appointed official. 

He recalled having confirmed members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines who had pending cases that were "in relation to military operations." This, as opposed to those rejected by the CA for their graft and corruption cases.

The bottom line, Lacson said, is that every appointee should convince the CA members about his or her integrity.

The CA, after all, is tasked to examine the "integrity, competence, and fitness" of presidential appointees.

Lacson said in a mix of English and Filipino, "If you don't have integrity, how can you be fit to hold public office?"

In a phone interview with Rappler on October 11, 2016, former Philippine ambassador to the US Jose Cuisia Jr said of Yasay's pending charges before the DOJ: "Frankly, that's very embarrassing if a secretary of foreign affairs has pending cases."

Cuisia explained: "Anywhere he goes, he is the representative of the President. And if he has some pending cases, no matter, even if he has not been charged, would that not be quite embarrassing for the country?"

'Economic sabotage'

Yasay is not new to controversy.

In 2000, he was accused of "economic sabotage" by then president Joseph Estrada after he, as chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), suspended trading at the Philippine Stock Exchange (PSE). 

Yasay issued this order after PSE personnel resigned over a stock manipulation controversy, better known as the BW scandal.

Before this, in the US, Yasay had also been the subject of a case filed by lawyer Armando E. Barrion against him before the Supreme Court of the State of New York, County of New York, in August 1995.

In a pile of two-decade-old documents sent by a concerned citizen to the Rappler office in February, Barrion complained to the court about Yasay and his law partner, Jose de Castro.

Barrion said that Yasay and De Castro "failed and unlawfully refused to remit to the appropriate governmental agency the amount deducted and withheld" from his wages, amounting to up to $7,800 for the whole year of 1989.

Yasay and De Castro, on the other hand, denied "each and every allegation" in at least 15 paragraphs of Barrion's complaint, including the portion quoted above.

As of Tuesday, the Supreme Court of the State of New York on its website listed the status of the case as "disposed."

The court notes a "stipulation of discontinuance" in April 1997. In this stipulation, the lawyers of the accuser and the accused agreed that the case be "discontinued, without costs to either party as against the other."

Years after the case, another issue often raised against Yasay is his "delinquent" status as a lawyer in New York, according to records from the New York State Unified Court System. 

Face of the country

The concerned citizen who sent the case documents to Rapplerr said these factors show that Yasay "should not be confirmed for any position in government." 

"He would be an embarrassment to the Philippines if due diligence was ever conducted by a foreign government," the informant said. 

For Lacson, this is what the CA is looking for in a DFA chief: "He should be able to represent the country with dignity, and should not be tainted. Because he will be facing heads of state of other countries, right?" 

"He is the face of the Philippines." – Rappler.com

Andanar secretly invited to Senate dinner, ignored by media

$
0
0

DINNER. Palace Communications Secretary Martin Andanar attends a gathering of Senate reporters with Senate President Aquilino Pimentel III, after giving false, baseless accusations against the group. Photo by Camille Elemia/Rappler

It was supposed to be a dinner hosted by Senate President Aquilino Pimentel III for members of the Senate media at a restaurant in the Mall of Asia.

Unknown to the journalists, however, Pimentel also invited Communications Secretary Martin Andanar, in the Senate President's attempt to "patch things up" between the two camps.

Andanar had wrongfully accused Senate reporters of of corruption, without any hint of apology. They gave him the cold shoulder Wednesday night, March 1. 

Andanar was practically ignored by most members of the media; only a few tried to be cordial and civil to him. Others just stayed for an interview with Pimentel and immediately left after it was done.

Most of the time Andanar was just talking to Pimentel, the senator's staff, and his own people.

"I'm glad Secretary Andanar is here upon my invitation para mag-share man lang tayo ng (to share) at least one meal with the Secretary and the Senate media in the hope that I can patch things up," Pimentel said in an interview.

"This is my effort to establish good relations with the Secretary and the Senate media," he added.

The 15-20 reporters who were present then went on to ask the Senate leader about key issues in the chamber, such as the death penalty bill, Senate reorganization, and the detention of Senator Leila de Lima.

News reader

Andanar earlier alleged that members of the Senate media were given $1,000 to cover the press conference called by Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, one of the fiercest critics of President Rodrigo Duterte.

During that briefing former SPO3 Arturo Lascañas retracted his earlier statements and accused the President of ordering killings when he was mayor of Davao City.

In response, the Senate media issued a statement criticizing the secretary for his baseless allegations and demanding his apology. (READ: Senate media to Andanar: Prove claim or apologize for fake news)

Andanar got piqued when a Malacañang reporter pressed him to explain where he got the information on the bribing of Senate media and what verification process it went through before he made it public. (READ: Martin, stop being an embarrassment to the Bisaya! or Martin, ayaw intawon paka-ulawi ang mga Bisaya!

 

It was not the first time Andanar, a former TV news reader, had angered members of the media.

Last January, he claimed journalists "misreported" the President's remarks about martial law and called their actions "the height of journalistic irresponsibility."

The Malacañang Press Corps fired back at Andanar, pointing out that their stories were supported by transcripts and videos of Duterte's remarks.

They also urged Andanar and his staff "to read the entire news stories, not just the heads or titles, to get a better picture of the media's coverage of the President." – Rappler.com

Bridging the digital divide: Tech4ED brings new tech closer to Filipinos

$
0
0

COMPUTER LITERACY. The Tech4ED project aims to educate and empower Filipinos through digital literacy. Photo from Tech4ED Facebook page

MANILA, Philippines – For Maricel Panayas, not knowing how to use a computer was a source of embarrassment. 

So when a community center under the government’s Tech4ED project opened in M’lang, she decided to take lessons in basic computer literacy.

Nagpapasalamat ako dahil binigyan nila kami ng pagkakataon, kaming mga simpleng nanay na mga walang trabaho sa bahay na matuto tungkol sa computer. Madami talaga kaming nakuhang karunungan tungkol sa mga bagong teknolohiya,” she said.

(I’m thankful, because we, simple housewives without jobs, were given the opportunity to learn about computers. We learned a lot about new technology.)

Hindi na kami ignorante. Noon, hindi ako marunong humarap sa tao, nahihiya ako,” she added. (We’re not ignorant anymore. Before, I didn’t know how to face people, I was shy.)

Panayas is a beneficiary of the Technology Empowerment for Education, Employment, Entrepreneurs, and Economic Development (Tech4ED) project, a program of the Department of Information and Communications Technology.

The project aims to set up community centers around the country where out-of-school youth, senior citizens, housewives, and other underserved sectors of society can have access to online government services and learning modules for skills development, digital literacy, and non-formal education.

Since its launch in 2014, Tech4ED has built up a varied mix of members: from students and fresh graduates looking to pick up new skills, government officials wanting to be digitally literate, and housewives and mothers wanting to learn how to set up and manage a small business.

User profiles, top courses

As of March 2017, 1,316 Tech4ED centers have been established nationwide – 400 more than the 864 centers established as of end-2016.

Of the 54,435 members currently enrolled in the platform, 57.8% or 31,490 are women. Most of the members – 64% – are in the below-30 age range.

Students comprise a large chunk of the users, with more than 28,000 currently enrolled in the platform. Government employees, teachers, barangay volunteer workers and out-of-school youth and adults are also among the top users under the project.

{source} <iframe id="datawrapper-chart-X21dM" src="//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/X21dM/1/" frameborder="0" allowtransparency="true" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" oallowfullscreen="oallowfullscreen" msallowfullscreen="msallowfullscreen" width="100%" height="502"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["X21dM"]={},window.datawrapper["X21dM"].embedDeltas={"100":580,"200":519,"300":519,"400":502,"500":502,"600":502,"700":502,"800":502,"900":502,"1000":502},window.datawrapper["X21dM"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-X21dM"),window.datawrapper["X21dM"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["X21dM"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["X21dM"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("X21dM"==b)window.datawrapper["X21dM"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"});</script>{/source} 

Most Tech4ED members choose to learn practical skills that they can use to get a job, such as fixing computers and cellphones. Courses under the Department of Education’s alternative learning system, communication skills, basic computer skills, and money management courses are also among the top 10 courses.

{source} <iframe id="datawrapper-chart-NJW2b" src="//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/NJW2b/1/" frameborder="0" allowtransparency="true" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" oallowfullscreen="oallowfullscreen" msallowfullscreen="msallowfullscreen" width="100%" height="412"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["NJW2b"]={},window.datawrapper["NJW2b"].embedDeltas={"100":466,"200":439,"300":412,"400":412,"500":412,"600":412,"700":412,"800":412,"900":412,"1000":412},window.datawrapper["NJW2b"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-NJW2b"),window.datawrapper["NJW2b"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["NJW2b"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["NJW2b"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("NJW2b"==b)window.datawrapper["NJW2b"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"});</script>{/source}

According to Tech4ED project manager Maria Teresa Camba, students learn through a mix of guided tutorials and self-paced modules. The English language course, for instance, combines audio and video lessons; students go through the module on their own, accomplishing the audio exercises through their microphone-enabled headsets. The computer automatically grades the students’ performance.

“We get a lot of good feedback because our content is interactive. We have content in PDF form, we have very interactive modules with a combination of audio and visual presentation. The students have fun with it because it feels just like watching a movie,” Camba said in a mix of Filipino and English.

Teaching senior citizens

This mix particularly appeals to senior citizens, who often are hesitant to pick up new skills out of fear of using new, unfamiliar technology.

This, Camba said, is one of the barriers to digital literacy that the project aims to break.

Camba recalled one training session with a group of internally displaced people affected by the 2013 Zamboanga siege. Most of the people in that group were housewives and community leaders, who were very hesitant to learn how to use a computer, scared that they might break it.

Takot sila kasi zero background talaga sila, pero noong nandoon na sila at nag-start na silang gumamit, natuto na sila, masayang-masaya sila. At the end of the training nagbibigay sila ng kanilang mga messages. Umiiyak sila,” Camba recounted.

(They were scared, because they had zero background on using computers. But when they started to learn how to use it, they were very happy. At the end of the training session, when they were giving out their messages, they cried.)

In one Tech4ED center in Quezon City, senior citizens also made up a chunk of the project’s member base.

Manny Fajilan, head of the multimedia and internet services section of the Quezon City Public Library, said they’ve had senior citizens as old as 79 years old coming to their center to learn how to use a computer.

For 4 hours a day, they learn how to use basic computer programs, set up their own email addresses, and set up their social media accounts like Facebook.

“We’ve had a senior citizen who was scared about using a computer, and his grandchildren didn’t want to teach him. When he learned basic computer skills, we were surprised to see him working solo on a Word document,” he recounted.

This fear of technology is common in a lot of centers, Camba said. Some even feel uneasy about going back to a classroom-like setting when they’re already middle-aged.

To help ease this, the Tech4ED team has been creating and posting videos of success stories: people recounting how they got into the platform and what impact their newfound digital skills has had on their lives.

“We told them, if you know what ICT can do, what the opportunities and possibilities are available to them now that they’ve learned how to use a computer. Our center is just the beginning. They can come back, and many do come back for further learning,” she added.

{source}<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/yZzlfTThn94" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>{/source} 

Success stories

Out of the many stories from the project beneficiaries, Camba has one particular favorite: how the program was able to have a multiplier effect, starting from one hesitant housewife.

“My favorite story is one in Tanauan. There was a mother of 10 children, a housewife who didn’t finish elementary. When she found out about the center, she trained there and completed her high school equivalency test.”

“Her husband was a part-time carpenter, most of her children were out of school, so she brought them all to the center. Even her neighbors. Now she’s a barangay secretary, and she’s even started college,” Camba said.

Aside from stories of out-of-school youth or fresh graduates finding jobs thanks to their newfound skills, Camba said even the simple skill of learning how to use Facebook can be significant to some of their learners.

“There’s also this one mother who learned how to use the internet and how to use Facebook. She has a son whom she’s not seen for 7 years. She found him on Facebook. When she found him, she hugged the computer,” Camba recounted.

Sustaining operations

While these stories spread through word of mouth and entice more members to join, Tech4ED also faces the challenge of sustainability. The centers are hosted by local government units (LGUs), so the change in leadership every 3 years affect the amount of support that the centers receive.

Camba said there have been instances where the new, incoming leadership did not want to continue supporting the Tech4ED centers because of a change in priorities, or because the project has been too closely identified with the previous leaders. In these cases, the Tech4Ed team engages with the new mayors, with centers eventually reopening after the project has been explained to them.

But other centers are also moving toward the direction of self-sustainability. Some centers, particularly those sensitive and responsive to the needs of their communities, have been able to support their own operations.

The centers in Mauban, Quezon, for instance, are already earning – and paying for the income of their own staff – by producing corporate giveaways. Other centers become socio-economic enterprises of the local government units.

In Carmona, Cavite several barangays have their own centers. The centers there focus on providing ICT to manufacturing companies in the area, offering higher-level courses on computer-aided design, among others. It was also the first LGU to have launched their own Tech4ED building they funded themselves.

LEARNING ONLINE. English language learners go through self-guided content, with audio-visual elements in the content module. Photo by Katerina Francisco/Rappler

Moving toward entrepreneurship

What’s in store for Tech4ED in the next couple of years?

Camba said the program has so far focused on education. This time, they plan to beef up another key component: entrepreneurship. They want to launch 26 centers nationwide solely focused on helping users develop skills for online employment.

This includes teaching learners skills on virtual assistance, web development, and social media management. Trainees undergo two weeks of lessons and 3 weeks of internship with small and medium enterprises. Camba said the internship experience can give graduates of their program a competitive edge in the global online jobs market.

Online employment, she added, can also help jobseekers who prefer working locally instead of going abroad as overseas Filipino workers.

Camba also said there are plans to integrate the Tech4ED platform into the national government portal to be launched in June, so that those who want to access ICT services have the option to access the platform remotely.

“[We want the centers] to be a one-stop place for ICT-related services in the community, so if you want training, if you want to avail of government services, if you want community development on the ICT, you just have to go to that center,” she said. – Rappler.com

Will anyone live in these NHA housing units in Pagadian?

$
0
0

WHITE ELEPHANT? The unused housing units at the Kagitingan Village in Pagadian City. Photo by Gualbert Laput/Rappler

PAGADIAN CITY, Philippines – The National Housing Authority's (NHA) 1,350-unit, nearly half-a-billion-peso Kagitingan Heights housing project in Barangay Bogo in this city looks like a ghost town.

Only a few habal-habal (public motorcycles) pass by during the day, and by night the massive cluster of row houses become the favorite illicit short-time haven of lovers and den of drug addicts.

NHA General Manager Marcelino Escalada Jr. told Rappler Wednesday, April 19, that Kagitingan Heights is intended for military, police, firefighters and jail guards though its contractors are yet to turn-over the project to NHA as "retrofitting of some of the housing units are still on-going."

Kagitingan Heights is one of the housing projects built through then-president Benigno Aquino III's Administrative Order 9 (AO 9), which directed the NHA to "formulate, implement and manage housing program for the military and police personnel."

Escalada said the construction of Kagitingan Heights commenced in October 2012 and "physically completed" in May 2014.

But Reynante Caparuso, son-in-law of former owner of the land used for Kagitingan Heights, said he is not aware of an on-going retrofitting works and he have not seen construction workers at the projeft site in the past two years.

Caparuso, who is living adjacent to Kagitingan Heights, recalled that in late 2015, the housing projet's main contractor – Laurasia Realty Corporation – announced it was to turn-over 300 units, "but it never happened."

He said that would-be beneficiaries who visited Kagitingan Heights were reluctant about getting houses that they described to be "uncomfortably small," "the structures are weak," and "support facilities like water and electricity [are] non-existent."

Unlivable

ROTTING. Electric steel posts are erected, but rolls of wires and cross-arm are left unused. Photo by Gualberto Laput/Rappler

Caparuso told Rappler that a lot of visiting police and military personnel told him the housing project was good only in the video presentation by Laurasia.

Nevertheless, Lt. Colonel Jo-ar Herrera, spokesman of the Army's 1st Infantry "Tabak" Division, said there were soldiers willing to avail of the housing project, but they are yet to receive formal notice of occupancy from the NHA.

But a high-ranking police official in Pagadian who was recently reassigned to Zamboanga del Norte province told Rappler his policemen refused to take the housing units because "it was unfit for living" and "seemed to be substandard."

"Itutulak mo lang ang dingding, parang babagsak na (you just push the wall and it seems it could collapse)," said the police official, who asked not to be identified. "Wala talagang takers sa amin, pati na yung mga naiwang pamilya ng dalawang napatay na pulis na kasali sa SAF 44 (There really aren't any takers from us, even the families of two policemen who were part of the SAF 44)."

Caparuso himself is convinced that the housing units at Kagitingan Heights did not conform with the standards of the National Building Code of the Philippines, a view that Escalada denied.

"The (Kagitingan Heights) project conforms with the National Building Code, conventional materials were used," Escalada said through email.

New scheme

NOTICE. NHA-Pagadian personnel installed a notice to prevent unauthorized takeover of the housing units at Kagitingan Heights. Photo by Gualberto Laput/Rappler

As to the size of the housing units, Escalada explained the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and Philippine National Police (PNP) Housing Boards will submit to NHA the revised final list of "would-be awardees" based on the new scheme, which increased the lot size from 40 square meters (sqm) to 80 sqm and floor area from 22 sqm to 44 sqm.

This means would-be awardees will have two units, reducing the number of beneficiaries by half.

And despite not being formally turned over yet, a source from NHA said the contractors were already paid. An NHA document, "Aging of Due and Demandable Obligations" dated September 20, 2016, shows that Kagitingan Heights has a total cost of P435,832,424.

The projects were distributed to Laurasia, which acquired the 12-hectare land and constructed the housing units; Prismordial Construction Inc., which constructed the covered court/multi-purpose center and 3-storey, 15-classroom school building; while Kagitingan Heights itself is in-charge of electricity and water distribution system.

Escalada also confirmed that the construction of Kagitingan Heights housing project did not go through the usual bidding because, he said, they adopted the Community Initiative Approach Program as provided in Aquino's AO 9.

"Whatever that program means. I'm with the government, but I didn't know that this kind of project would go without the usual bidding provided by law," the police official quipped. Direct contracting is allowed only when items were covered by patents and copyrights; exclusive dealer or manufacturer; small repeat orders; and in cases of emergencies.

Unlikely

LONE RESIDENT. A cow grazes at Kagitingan Heights' covered court/multi-purpose center.
Photo by Gualberto Laput/Rappler

In the meantime, high NHA officials seem to be misinformed with what is actually happening at Kagitingan Heights.

The problems expand much more than just retrofitting of the housing units - a large water tank has been constructed, but no distribution pipes; electric steel posts were erected, but unused rolls of wires were abandoned; and the owner of the land, the Balase family, is yet to receive 25% of the more or less P16.8 million total acquisition cost.

"Grasses are even reaching the lofts of the row houses," Caparuso said.

He added that Kagitingan Heights is left unguarded and he did not see workers of Laurasia or from NHA visiting the project site for months. It was only when members of the urban poor group Kadamay occupied the housing projects in Bulacan that NHA-Pagadian personnel came to erect a notice against unauthorized takeover of the units.

The new scheme introduced by Escalada is still unlikely to attract the beneficiaries of Kagitingan Heights. Caparuso said it is the alleged weak foundation of the structures is what beneficiaries are afraid the most.

"We have to consider that Pagadian was already hit by massive tsunami caused by magnitude 8 Moro Gulf earthquake on 1976. It could happen again," Caparuso said. He was referring to the August 17, 1976 disaster when Pagadian was hardest hit by the earthquake, followed by a tsunami, that killed 5,000 people and thousands went missing.

The best but "outrageously expensive" way to attract takers, he said, would be to demolish the existing row houses and build new ones, "and do it right." – Rappler.com 

Quiet birthday celebration for Robredo as she turns 52

$
0
0

HAPPY BIRTHDAY. Vice President Leni Robredo blows her birthday cake during an early celebration thrown for her by supporters in Naga City on April 21, 2017. Photo from Robredo's Facebook page

It's a quiet Sunday for Vice President Leni Robredo as she spent her first birthday as the country's second top official by just staying at home.

"The Vice President is going to spend her birthday with her family today at home in Quezon City," said a statement by the Office of the Vice President.

Born April 23, 1965 in Naga, Camarines Sur, the Vice President is now 52 years old.

Robredo was greeted with warm messages by her daughters, staff, supporters, and fellow Liberal Party members.

In an Instagram post, her second eldest daughter Tricia Robredo wrote: "Happy you get to sleep in today! Hehe hbd, @lenirobredo. Labs na labs."

Her youngest daughter Jillian Robredo also called her "superwoman."

{source} <blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Happy birthday to my superwoman I love you, Mama <a href="https://twitter.com/lenirobredo">@lenirobredo</a> <a href="https://t.co/sF5kBUKK3b">pic.twitter.com/sF5kBUKK3b</a></p>&mdash; Jillian Robredo (@jillrobredo) <a href="https://twitter.com/jillrobredo/status/856008277804449792">April 23, 2017</a></blockquote><script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>{/source} 

{source} <blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="tl" dir="ltr">Maligayang kaarawan <a href="https://twitter.com/VPPilipinas">@VPPilipinas</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/lenirobredo">@lenirobredo</a>! <a href="https://t.co/Z0Z52NbRtV">pic.twitter.com/Z0Z52NbRtV</a></p>&mdash; Liberal Party PH (@LiberalPH) <a href="https://twitter.com/LiberalPH/status/856001702729744384">April 23, 2017</a></blockquote><script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script> {/source} 

{source} 

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Happy birthday, VP <a href="https://twitter.com/lenirobredo">@lenirobredo</a>! Thank you for being a source of light to me and many others. Pls try to rest and enjoy your day too. <a href="https://t.co/Vau6UXQ8Gw">pic.twitter.com/Vau6UXQ8Gw</a></p>&mdash; Georgina Hernandez (@OVPspox) <a href="https://twitter.com/OVPspox/status/856113642684596224">April 23, 2017</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script> {/source}

{source} <blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="tl" dir="ltr">Maligayang kaarawan sa ating Vice President <a href="https://twitter.com/lenirobredo">@lenirobredo</a>! <br><br>Salamat sa sakripisyo at serbisyo. <a href="https://t.co/8CPnFF2qaq">pic.twitter.com/8CPnFF2qaq</a></p>&mdash; Kiko Pangilinan (@kikopangilinan) <a href="https://twitter.com/kikopangilinan/status/855980227670888448">April 23, 2017</a></blockquote><script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script> {/source} 

{source} <iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fharvey.keh.1%2Fposts%2F1415660745163494&width=500" width="500" height="502" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowTransparency="true"></iframe> {/source} 

Even detained Senator Leila de Lima greeted Robredo. Part of her handwritten note reads: "On behalf of the Filipino people, I thank you for tirelessly working on your advocacies and serving the country, for standing firm in your principles, and living with compassion and respect for human rights."

{source} 

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Birthday message of Sen. Leila de Lima to VP Leni Robredo.<a href="https://t.co/JkHjHWDAjx">https://t.co/JkHjHWDAjx</a> <a href="https://t.co/C8nvJREHJw">pic.twitter.com/C8nvJREHJw</a></p>&mdash; Leila de Lima (@AttyLeila) <a href="https://twitter.com/AttyLeila/status/856015069259251712">April 23, 2017</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script> {/source} 

In Naga City, a group of female supporters also threw a surprise birthday party for the Vice President last Friday, April 21.

{source} <iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fleni.robredo%2Fposts%2F10210325585108336&width=500" width="500" height="664" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowTransparency="true"></iframe> {/source} 

– Rappler.com 


Where the drug war began

$
0
0

Rappler tracks the killings in Police Station 2-Moriones in Tondo, Manila, where the first drug fatality after Rodrigo Duterte's inauguration was shot in the early hours of July 1, 2016. Of the 2,555 drug suspects killed across the country in the first 7 months of the drug war, PS-2 Moriones claims at least 45. They were allegedly killed after police were forced into shootouts. At least 13 remain unidentified in police records.

Rappler conducted more than 40 interviews in the course of a 3-month investigation. Among them are the 7 who put their names and testimonies on the record, calling 4 of the alleged encounters summary executions and accusing the police of torture and harassment. This multimedia report presents police records and witness testimonies to profile the man residents call the demon of Delpan.

The people of the villages know the killer by name.

Rex’s mother knows. She remembers the night he came looking for her son, when the killer shoved her so hard the baby she held nearly fell out of her arms.

Joshua’s mother knows. She knows because he had a gun to her mouth. She knows who the killer is, knows enough that on the day her son was buried, she took a jeep and howled his name when it trundled past the police precinct.

You son of a bitch, she screamed. You killer, you killed my son.

Mario’s brother knows. His friends saw the killer drag Mario into the precinct and watched as he was beaten bloody. Mario's brother counted the bullet wounds himself. There were 7 in all.

Danilo’s aunt knows for sure. She says it was the killer who gave her his name.

They say the man who killed Joshua and Rex and Mario and Danilo was not in uniform; neither were the armed men who were with him. But the mothers are certain the killer was a cop. The neighbors are certain the killer was a cop. Every witness to the 4 deaths is certain the killer was a cop.

There is no doubt on that one point. The cops also say the killer was a cop.

Part 1 'I will kill you’

On June 30, 2016, a few hours after he took his oath of office, the 16th President of the Republic of the Philippines appeared at the Delpan Sports Complex along Road 10 in Tondo, Manila to inform his new constituency that a war was at hand.

“I am asking you, do not go [into drugs] because I will kill you,” Rodrigo Duterte told the residents of Isla Puting Bato. “It may not be tonight, it may not be tomorrow, but in 6 years, there will be one day that you will make a mistake and I will go after you.”

Delpan sits at the bottom of Tondo, population 630,363, one of the capital’s poorest areas where the shanties sit cheek to jowl with slaughterhouses and churches. Plastic tables covered with white tablecloths were scattered across the orange-painted gym. Duterte's people called the event a solidarity dinner.

President Rodrigo Duterte was late, held up by his first Cabinet meeting. When he arrived, the pineapple silk shirt was gone, traded for a striped polo shirt and a navy jacket with the sleeves rolled up. He said he ran for the presidency because he saw the Philippines drowning in drugs, criminality and poverty.

“If someone’s child is an addict,” he told the crowd, “be the one to kill them, so it won’t be so painful [to their parents].”

Do it first, he said, because that person will die either way.

“Those of you into drugs, I’m done warning after the election,” he said. “Whatever happens to you, all of you listen, it could be your sibling, it could be your spouse, it could be your friend, your child, I am letting you know, there will be no blaming here. I told you to stop. Now, if anything happens to them, they wanted it. They wanted it.”

The President’s promise was kept. At 3 in the morning of July 1, hours after the President’s speech, the earliest reported extrajudicial killing of the new regime occurred along IBP Road, near the corner of Road 10 and the Delpan Sports Complex.

The killing held the rough elements of what would be a pattern of deaths across the rest of the country in the next 7 months. Blotter number 1675 noted the “body found” of “a male person alleged victim of summary execution.” The unidentified victim, between 25-30 years old, about 5’3 tall, had been left with a sheet of cardboard over his body. It read, “I am a Chinese Drug Lord.”

The responding officers were members of the Delpan Police Community Precinct (Delpan PCP), one of 4 precincts under Manila Police Station-2 Moriones (PS-2).

At least 3 more drug-related killings committed by unidentified men would occur under PS-2’s area of responsibility within the next two weeks. They were later reclassified as deaths under investigation.

And then the police killings began. By the time the war was suspended on its seventh month, a total of 2,555 were killed across the country in what the government now calls legitimate police operations.

Part 2: 'Good job'

Jimmy Walker got his last name from his American grandfather and not much else. Just past 20, he is snaggletoothed and shy, all elbows and collarbones inside the loose white shirt, his strawberry blonde hair already showing dark roots.

He was close to his cousin Joshua Cumilang, the 18-year-old whose family nicknamed Wawa. Joshua sniffed solvent occasionally. Jimmy, who had bad lungs, never did. The boys were as good as brothers, even if Jimmy was often the butt of Joshua’s jokes. “Jimmy, bungi,” Joshua called him. Jimmy the toothless. But it was Joshua who loaned Jimmy clothes, who fed Jimmy when Jimmy was so broke he couldn’t afford a cup of rice.

The Cumilangs live in Isla Puting Bato, a sweaty maze of shanties tucked into the curve of the Manila North Harbor. Thick ropes of electrical wiring hang overhead, so low in some places that it is impossible to walk upright. The alleys are makeshift markets – garlic by the bushel, cigarettes by the stick, powdered Oreo-flavored shakes sold beside roasted pig guts. The colors are bright – a purple door here, a yellow awning there, graffiti scrawled big and broad over the few stretches of open wall.

One Friday afternoon, Jimmy, Joshua, and two other young men were sitting on a roadside ledge. The Cumilang shanty was behind them, down a set of stone steps. It was a month before Christmas. Joshua was counting the money he had saved for the holidays.

All of a sudden there were armed men. They were dressed in civilian clothing. Jimmy knew them from their rounds in the area. “It’s the ones who aren’t in uniform who kill here,” he said.

One of them was the man Jimmy knew as Alvarez.

“People would say, ’Stay away from that Alvarez,” said Jimmy. “’Be careful, he’s a killer.’”

That day, Jimmy said, Alvarez had a partner, a younger man whom Alvarez was training. Nobody was certain how they were related. They called him “the other Alvarez.”

The armed men started searching Joshua. They found the money in his sock, took it and pocketed it. They said the 4 young men had been using marijuana – “We weren’t, we really weren’t” – and made them stand with their hands on the tops of their heads. Two of the armed men herded Joshua down the steps to the short alley beside his house.

Joshua’s mother Nenita came charging out of the Cumilang home, straight at the men who had seized her son. “Sir, what are you doing sir, don't do anything sir, just jail him, please.”

The younger Alvarez walked down the steps and aimed his gun at Joshua. Jimmy said his cousin looked terrified. He was begging, “Ma, Ma, Ma.”

“It never occurred to me to stop them,” Jimmy said. “My mind blanked. I couldn’t talk. My insides were trembling.”

Alvarez aimed a gun at Nenita. She turned to run. The younger Alvarez let loose a shot. Nenita turned. She saw her son on the ground covered in blood. She tried to leap for Joshua. The younger Alvarez turned on her with a gun and chased her all the way to the street where she hid.

Alvarez took aim, said Jimmy, and shot Joshua again.

{source}

<div class="feature" id="feature1">

<div class="image">

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/160F0AB0680946A6A0BC16D40F872643/img/2497AE4CB37C4A1899934362F911B893/CH-2-01_2497AE4CB37C4A1899934362F911B893.jpg" data-caption="Nenita Cumilang, where her son Joshua was killed." class="nolazy active"/>

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/160F0AB0680946A6A0BC16D40F872643/img/EC3559C231774E218152A18E28C994D6/CH-2-02_EC3559C231774E218152A18E28C994D6.jpg" data-caption="Across from the Cumilang home." class="nolazy"/>

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/160F0AB0680946A6A0BC16D40F872643/img/657B68F662B1495CA1541616CABB2D9C/CH-2-03_657B68F662B1495CA1541616CABB2D9C.jpg" data-caption="A young Joshua Cumilang." class="nolazy"/>

</div>

<div class="caption"></div>

</div>

{/source}

Neighbors rushed out of their homes after the gunshots. The street was crowded. The men who killed Joshua Cumilang walked over to a store just beside the Cumilang house. Witnesses said the men bought coffee and bottles of water with the money from the dead man.

Jimmy heard Alvarez on the phone. He said Alvarez was calling for backup.

The uniformed cops of the Delpan Police Community Precinct streamed in within minutes.

One of them stopped in front of Alvarez. Alvarez addressed the uniformed man as “sir.”

“Sir, Wawa is gone,” said Alvarez. “He’s dead.”

“Good job,” said the older man. “Good job.” Jimmy said the man raised both fists with the thumbs up.

The men made Jimmy carry Joshua’s corpse into a pedicab. Nenita ran through another alley and jumped in. The two cops who were sitting with Joshua's corpse glared at her, but said nothing.

The pedicab stopped at an empty stretch of road. Nenita said a cop aimed a gun at her head. They pushed her out just before a boy darted past her to poke his head into the pedicab. One of the cops shifted his gun to the boy.

Nenita said the second cop held the other back.

“Don’t,” he said. “That’s a kid. You kill that one and they’ll slap us with a case.”

Part 3: 'They rape their mothers'

The trouble with drugs, Police Chief Inspector Rexson Layug told Rappler, is that they leave no man decent.

Layug is the commander of the Delpan Police Community Precinct (Delpan PCP), whose stark white building sits square under the Delpan Bridge. A 22-year veteran, he supervises the sprawling swath of shanties that includes Isla Puting Bato and a chunk of Parola, Tondo.

“When they’re on drugs, sometimes, they’ll even rape their grandmothers,” he explained. “Their grandmothers and their mothers. You can see it in the news. That's why they rape. Sometimes, they even kill their children, because they think they’re demons.”

Layug was pleased with Project Double Barrel, the President’s national operation against drugs. It was the Duterte administration that increased the number of policemen under Layug's command and allowed for more aggressive patrols.

Layug is a burly man, with a paunch and a lantern jaw. Since the beginning of the war on drugs, Layug has assigned an hourly beat to Isla Puting Bato, an area he described as one of his more chaotic territories.

An early map of PS-2 Moriones' area of responsibility hanging inside the station.

It was one of those patrols that killed Joshua Cumilang, at least according to a report filed by the Manila Police District (MPD) Homicide Section on November 18. The spot report – the account of the incident filed by police investigators – described how an anti-criminality patrol walked into Purok 3 of Isla Puting Bato. The patrol “noticed and chanced upon a group of men while examining a transparent plastic sachet in the act of extending over to another male companion.” According to the report, the group scampered away when the policemen arrived.

In the story the police tell, one officer, a certain PO1 Sherwin Mipa, followed the suspect who had the sachet. Joshua ran inside the basement of a small shanty. Mipa shouted for Joshua to stop. Joshua turned, “already armed with a .38 caliber revolver." He fired twice, and missed.

The report said that Mipa, “sensing that his life was [in] imminent danger [had] no other choice but to fire back,” returned fire twice, “thus hitting the suspect in the abdomen and shoulder.”

The spot report also listed the collected evidence. They included a Smith & Wesson .38 caliber snub-nose revolver without a serial number, a P20 bill, and 5 plastic sachets of what appeared to be methamphetamine hydrochloride – street name shabu, or crystal meth.

SPO3 Jonathan Bautista, the MPD Homicide investigator assigned to the case, said in an interview with Rappler that he had spoken to Nenita Cumilang. She told him her son did not fight back. She was, however, unwilling to file an affidavit at the MPD. Nenita later told Rappler the family couldn’t file charges: “Will they pay attention to me? We’re little people nobody pays attention to. They salvage the big ones, don’t they? So I did nothing.”

SPO3 Jonathan Bautista, MPD Homicide Section, investigator-on-case

“Inasmuch as I could, I tried to convince her,” Bautista said. “I said, when I was asking her, ’For as long as you have any witnesses, the case will not close. There is still justice.’”

Bautista had written the spot report, but admitted there was some irregularity in the investigation process. Although he said he had spoken to PO1 Mipa, the shooter on record, Bautista said all police officers involved in fatal incidents must each file either individual or joint affidavits to explain their version of events. He said none of the policemen on the scene, even Mipa, chose to submit reports to the Homicide Section. Bautista said he was forced to rely on spot reports written by the investigators of PCP Delpan and PS-2 Moriones.

“To be honest, we’ve hit a blank wall, it’s like we're in limbo,” he said. “Considering that although there’s this version of the story, the version of the police, I'm waiting for maybe someone with the courage to come out and say something like the allegations [Rappler] told us. Even if we’re cops, we won’t stand back if the guilty need to be punished, definitely. We will file charges against them.”

{source}

<div class="highlight-block" data-caseid="cumilang">

<div class="highlight-content">

<h2>“Cumilang turned around already armed with a .38 caliber revolver.”</h2>

<p>- Homicide Spot Report, 18 November 2016</p>

</div>

</div>

{/source}

In his interview with Rappler, Precinct Commander Layug claimed no cop under his watch had ever been injured during the drug war – except for one who slipped and fell in the dark. In fact, he said, Delpan cops had never been shot at or been involved in any armed encounter with any resisting suspect during a patrol or drug operation since the beginning of the drug war.

His claim was a stark contradiction to the MPD's own police reports and media coverage. At least 11 fatal encounters with police occurred in Delpan alone, including the operation that killed Joshua Cumilang. An entry in the MPD Homicide’s police journal recorded the death of one Marvin Samonte, alleged drug pusher, killed on July 17, 2016. A news report detailed how Samonte was killed by members of the Delpan PCP in an apartment in Pier Dos, Tondo after allegedly resisting arrest.

The police team was led by Precinct Commander Layug.

Asked by Rappler if anyone in his unit had ever been involved in any shootouts with drug suspects during patrols, Layug said no.

“No, no one has ever fought back.”

Part 4: 'He looked for Mama'

On the day after his son died, Nelson Aparri knelt just inside his front door with a rag and a bucket. He talked while he scrubbed. He said he was sorry. He said he couldn’t even the score. He said maybe God would deal with the killers, because he couldn't himself. He bent over the floor, a lanky man in his late 50s, slopping water and tears over his son’s blood.

It took a long time to clean.

It was Nelson who was closest to Rex. Rex was Papa’s boy. Even his mother Rowena agreed. It was only that night, just before the first shot was fired, that Rex Aparri screamed for his mother.

“When he was about to die,” Rowena said, “he looked for me.”

The house in Isla Puting Bato where 30-year-old Rex Aparri was killed sits along a short, skinny alley, so skinny that it’s possible to step out of one front door and into the door across. On September 13, 2016, at a little past 7 in the evening, word spread across the village that cops were coming. Nelson was afraid the family would be targeted, as Rex occasionally ran drugs. He had heard that every man inside a house during a raid ended up dead. He tried to drag Rex out with him.

Rex was stubborn. Not me, he said. They’re not after me.

Rowena stayed. So did Rex’s girlfriend Lori Ann and their 10-month-old son.

{source}

<div class="feature" id="feature2">

<div class="image">

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/A375ABC9BB374736B0BDA909643F91A9/img/6F1ADA8DAE8F49E7905A093235ABABBE/CH-4-01.jpg" data-caption="The alley outside the Aparri home." class="nolazy active"/>

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/A375ABC9BB374736B0BDA909643F91A9/img/1E3FE8A5F8544155BB9D0711A2DCB043/CH-4-02.jpg" data-caption="Rex Aparri." class="nolazy"/>

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/A375ABC9BB374736B0BDA909643F91A9/img/6FE11DD177584E71985E14066BF0BFF5/CH-4-03.jpg" data-caption="Rex Aparri’s son, who was present at his father’s death."/>

</div>

<div class="caption"></div>

</div>

{/source}

There were 5 armed men in all, none of them in uniform. Rowena was sitting on the front door’s ledge. One of the men shoved her backward. She fell, Rex's son in her arms.

The man, she said, was the one Isla Puting Bato knew as Alvarez.

Alvarez told her they were looking for Rex. Two of the men stayed outside, shouting at neighbors to keep out of the way, threatening a teenager who had poked his head out of a window. Alvarez and another man climbed up the ladder to the second floor where Rex was tinkering with a radio. The fifth man stayed in the living room. He had Rowena and Lori Ann sit at a corner by the open door. He told them to put their mobile phones and wallets on top of the television. The women sat for half an hour, until the man guarding them walked to the bottom of the ladder with a folded packet in his hand – what Rowena assumed was drugs. He called to the men upstairs.

“Sir, you can have him brought down, sir, we’re killing him. It’s positive.”

Rowena began shouting – “Sir, he has nothing sir, how can it be positive?”

Alverez and a second man brought Rex downstairs. He clung to the banister, weeping. “Arrest me, please don't kill me, I have a son.”

Rowena pushed the baby at Rex – “So he would have a shield” – then threw her arms around her son. It was a tangle of bodies, everyone pushing and shoving in a space the size of a bathroom. A mirror broke. One of the men hit Rowena with a gun, and kicked her out into the alley. She blacked out.

Lori Ann screamed. One of the armed men shoved her out, snatched the baby by the hair from Rex, then threw the wailing boy out to where Lori Ann knelt in the alley. She caught her son and knelt begging through the open door.

At the second shot she ran, and told Rowena that Alvarez had just shot Rex – straight through the back of the head.

Nelson Aparri, standing in a nearby alley, heard the gunshots. He began to run home. Neighbors grabbed him by the arms.

No, they said, don’t go. They’ll kill you too.

Nelson began to cry.

 The outside wall of the Aparri home.

Outside the house, policemen in uniform barricaded both sides of the alley. Young men, friends of Rex, began picking up rocks. Their mothers dragged them back. One cop standing guard attempted to calm the crowd – “Don’t aim your anger at us,” he told one resident. “We're just backup, and it’s us who’ll have to take the blame.”

There were two more shots.

It was a while before the family was allowed back inside the house. The two mobile phones and the money in the wallets were missing. Rex was sprawled across the living room floor. His head had fallen near the stairs, his feet near the front door.

Rowena said the bullet holes made the shape of a cross – one shot in the head, one in the gut, and one on each side of the chest.

Part 5: 'The smoke of gunshots'

The death of Rex Aparri was first recorded as Blotter Entry No. 2265. The spot report prepared by the MPD Homicide Section marked the case a shooting incident.

According to the report, Rex Bustamante Aparri was killed by a policeman during Tokhang operations.

Tokhang, a combination of Visayan words toktok and hangyo– knock and plead – is a central element in President Duterte’s Project Double Barrel. The operation, as explained to the public, involves visits from the police to residents named on a local drug watchlist. Suspected drug users and dealers are invited to surrender themselves at municipal halls or police stations. A form would be made available for signing, indicating the person had voluntarily turned himself in and promised to change.

In the case of Rex Aparri, what was meant to be a courtesy visit went ugly fast. In the pecuilar language of police spot reports – a complicated mix of shifting tenses, street lingo, romantic metaphor, and Old English – patrolling officers from the Delpan PCP claimed they had been conducting Tokhang operations. They knocked on the door. They “spotted the herein suspect thereat.” They identified themselves and approached Rex, who “suddenly drew out his gun and fired shot on the approaching lawmen but he missed his mark.” A member of the police team, “sensing that their lives were in imminent danger,” was “constrained to retaliate.”

{source}

<div class="highlight-block" data-caseid="aparri">

<div class="highlight-content">

<h2>“After the smoke of gunshots subsided, the suspect was seen lying lifeless on the floor."</h2>

<p>- Homicide Spot Report, 14 September 2016</p>

</div>

</div>

{/source}

Four heat-sealed plastic sachets of suspected shabu were listed as evidence, along with a .38 revolver. The gun reportedly had no serial number.

SPO2 Charles John Duran, the case investigator, said he arrived at the crime scene and was surrounded by villagers who told him there was no encounter.

“They were saying he didn’t fight back, he didn’t fight back, but I told them, if there’s a witness, come with us,” Duran said. “They didn’t want to go with us. I told them to come to Homicide if they had time. They didn't want to.”

SPO2 Charles John Duran, MPD Homicide Section, investigator-on-case

Neighbors described to Rappler the minutes after Rex Aparri was killed. In the story they told, Alvarez walked out of the Aparri house and turned into the main alley where the crowd had gathered. Witnesses described Alvarez as a man between 40 and 50. They said he was dark, of average height, with a mole to the right of his nose and a big round belly under the white T-shirts he liked to wear. Although he had been patrolling since the beginning of the drug war, they were unsure of his first name, or if he even remained officially employed by the Philippine National Police.

The witnesses who crowded the alleys said that Alvarez aimed his gun at the sky, and fired one last shot. “If anyone asks who the vigilante of Delpan is,” he announced, “tell them it was Alvarez.”

Duran said the spot report he wrote was largely based on the incident report written by the Delpan PCP. Without witnesses willing to sign affidavits at the MPD, “of course we’ll believe the police because we have regularity in the performance of duty.”

In Duran’s report, the man who took responsibility for Rex Aparri’s death was a rookie police officer named Edmar Latagan. He was accompanied on patrol by 3 other officers of the Delpan PCP, including the team’s leader, PO3 Ronald Alvarez.

Part 6: 'Like a dead chicken'

On October 10, a 28-year-old tricycle driver named Mario Rupillo told a friend he was being followed by cops. His body appeared in a hospital morgue hours later. Police said he had fought back at an encounter.

“We accepted what the cops said, because that’s what they say when they have to cover something up,” said Mario’s brother Mark Anthony. “They do that almost all the time anyway.”

Detainees inside the Delpan PCP at the time of Mario’s death told the Rupillo family that Mario had been seen inside the precinct. They added that he was cuffed, and was led inside by the man they knew as Alvarez.

“He’s a cop,” said Mario’s mother Loreta. “He was always dressed as a civilian.”

 Mark Anthony Rupillo and his mother Loreta.

The same detainees described Mario’s beating to the family. There was an interrogation, they said, Mario whipped by a gun, Mario screaming, Mario refusing to talk.

They said that the last they saw of Mario, he had a sack over his head. He had been dragged out of the precinct by Alvarez just before he was dumped into the back of a waiting tricycle. They said Mario was barely able to walk.

One detainee said a woman, also detained, was in the room while Mario was being tortured.

The local term is palit-ulo, literally an exchange of heads. It is street parlance for a trade – one suspect gives information on another to guarantee his or her own safety. According to the Rupillo family, in the case of the woman arrested before Mario was killed, Mario was the price.

The woman, they said, was released soon after. The family refused to repeat her name. She had bragged to them in public that Alvarez was behind the killing. She said she was under Alvarez’ protection.

The spot report described the police version of events: an anti–criminality patrol spotted Rupillo riding his red SYM motorcycle without a helmet along Gate 14 Delbros of Parola Compound. Mario was flagged down.

“Instead of stopping,” read the report, “[Rupillo] pulled out his handgun and fired shots toward these lawmen but missed.” A rookie officer named Marcelino Pedrozo III had “no choice but to fire back.”

{source}

<div class="highlight-block" data-caseid="rupillo">

<div class="highlight-content">

<h2>“...instead of stopping, [Rupillo] pulled out his handgun and fired shots.” </h2>

<p>- Homicide Spot Report, 11 October 2016</p>

</div>

</div>

{/source}

If the police narrative is to be believed, Mario Rupillo was speeding down Parola at a little past 11 pm. He swings out without a helmet, riding his red motorcycle. The cops on patrol flag him down. Mario keeps going as he grabs for his gun. He aims, fires, misses. One cop pulls out his own gun and fires, once, twice, 7 times. The bullets land with precise symmetry on a moving target: two just under the left and right shoulders, 4 on his chest, the last in his mouth.

Mario’s brother Mark Anthony saw the body. He said it looked like his brother had been beaten. Both kneecaps were bruised. Both arms were swollen. Both shoulders appeared to have been broken.

“Have you ever seen a chicken after the bones have been broken, when the wings are just limp?” Mark Anthony asked. “It was that bad, and my brother is even skinnier than me.”

Mark Anthony Rupillo is lanky and soft-spoken, his voice low as he spoke of what he believed was his brother’s murder. Tattoos run the length of his arms, slicking up the side of his neck and down his thighs. His eyes tracked over the afternoon soap opera running silent on the old box television. What was left of Mario Rupillo sat inside a marble vase engraved with his name on an altar overhead.

Mario, said Mark Anthony, was an occasional user before he began running drugs. Someone would come by with money, and Mario would be paid a few pesos after delivery.

Mario’s death certificate, signed by the medico-legal officer of the MPD Crime Laboratory, noted the cause of death as “multiple gunshot wounds to the head, body and upper extremities.” SPO4 Glenzor Vallejo, the MPD Homicide investigator in charge, said he could not recall how many bullets had killed Mario Rupillo. He also said there was nothing unusual about the number of gunshot wounds.

“While he was escaping, he shot at the policemen,” Vallejo said. “So the policemen of course retaliated, and they wouldn’t have thought about whether [Mario] would be hit by a lot of bullets. There was just an exchange of fire.”

Vallejo said he arrived at the crime scene after the body had been rushed to the hospital. He said that his sources were limited to the policemen of the Delpan PCP, and had found no other witness willing to contest the police version of events. He said it was unlikely that Mario could have been beaten while in custody, or that he had been the victim of a trade. He stood by the spot report he wrote, he said, but added the investigation is still ongoing. He said the Rupillo family did not dispute the police version of events when he met them.

SPO4 Glenzor Vallejo, MPD Homicide Section, investigator-on-case / Photo by Ezra Acayan

The list of recovered evidence included a red SYM Bonus 110 motorcycle with a “For Registration” plate and a .38 caliber pistol without a serial number.

The family said the motorcycle was returned without a scratch. Mark Anthony, who was shown the gun Mario allegedly used, had nothing but contempt for the police. Not only had the gun been planted, he said, but the choice of weapon was ridiculous. The Rupillo brothers may have been too poor to buy arms, but they understood guns.

“We know what sort of gun you can use,” Mark Anthony said, “and what you’re supposed to throw away. That gun looked like you could get tetanus just by touching it.”

Mario, he said, was no idiot.

The last of the evidence was a black bag containing 3 plastic sachets believed to contain shabu, 5 P20 bills, a P50 bill, and a red lighter.

“We knew none of those things belong to my brother," he said. 

Part 7: 'We killed him'

Joshua Cumilang, Rex Aparri and Mario Rupillo were noted in police reports as suspects killed by policemen from the Delpan PCP in the course of legitimate operations. Each of the 3 allegedly assaulted police with a .38 revolver without a serial number. Each of them reportedly had sachets of shabu on their persons.

The official circumstances linked to the death of 36-year-old Danilo Dacillio are less categorical. In early October, two months before he was killed, Danilo's aunt Lydia Suarez (not her real name) brought him to the village chief. She had Danilo surrender, then told him to quit using drugs. She gave him enough capital to open a roadside store.

But Danilo still ran drugs, taking a cut from friends who handed him small amounts of cash for drug deliveries. Lydia asked the village chairman to have Danilo arrested and jailed. She said she was afraid Danilo would be killed. The chairman promised it would be done.

On December 2, at around 9 in the evening, Danilo left the North Harbor home he shared with his mother. He was with a friend named Panche. Lydia called the chairman and told him to arrest Danilo. She reminded him to keep Danilo alive. She told the chairman Danilo was on a bicycle. She told him where Danilo was going. She said Danilo was wearing white, and that Panche was in blue. She gave the chairman specifics – “If he doesn’t pass through Kagitingan, he’ll probably go through Pier 4.”

In Lydia’s narration, the chairman said yes. She said it was an hour before he called back.

“We have him,” the chairman said. “But we didn’t find drugs.”

“All right,” said Lydia. “Just jail him.”

“I’ll take care of it.”

One of the neighbors told Lydia that Danilo had been seen at the village hall. Lydia didn't worry – she was confident he would be safe.

The location where witnesses reported Danilo Dacillo's body was found on December 2, 2016.

Lydia’s phone rang later that night. The caller introduced himself as Alvarez. Lydia knew him as the cop from Delpan.

“Are you Lydia?”

“Yes, sir,” she answered.

“Is it positive that this nephew of yours uses drugs?”

“Yes sir,” she said. “Sir, please don’t kill him. Jail him, because no one will take care of his mother, and she’s old.”

“I’m not that sort of man,” Alvarez said. Lydia believed the answer was reassurance that Alvarez was not the sort of man who killed. She told him to make Danilo talk about his dealers, then to jail him. She didn’t give it another thought.

Past 11 that evening, she was told someone in a blue shirt had been killed nearby. Then later, another friend called. There was a second body at the bottom of the overpass.

“I wasn’t worried,” she said. “I spoke to the chairman and the chairman said he wouldn’t be killed. So I went to sleep.”

Lydia said she stopped by the Delpan PCP the next morning to see Danilo. She saw Alvarez just as she walked into the precinct.

“Are you Lydia?” he asked.

“Yes sir.”

“I killed your nephew.”

“He’s dead?”

She thought it was a joke. She asked again.

“Right, so he’s dead?”

It wasn’t Alvarez who answered, she said, but one of the cops who stood beside him.

“We killed him. Don’t look for him anymore.”

{source}

<div class="feature" id="feature3">

<div class="image">

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/CA058574186F4D21B8DE3252F51B10DA/img/73BAB98FC13844EFAEC5CA28DA24AEDD/CH-7-04.jpg" data-caption="Danilo Dacillio at his wake." class="nolazy active"/>

</div>

<div class="caption"></div>

</div>

{/source}

They told her the body might still be at the morgue.

“I didn’t know what to do,” she said of that time. She left. “I blamed myself, why I even surrendered him. I left, then sat and cried.”

Only a single killing was recorded in the evening of December 2 under the area of responsibility of PS-2 Moriones. Police records do not name Danilo Dacillio or his friend Panche.

{source}
<div class="highlight-block" data-caseid="dacillo">

<div class="highlight-content">

<h2>“...surprisingly subjects suddenly pulled out their handguns and shot the two policemen.”</h2>

<p>- Homicide Detailed Report, undated</p>

</div>

</div>

{/source}

According to a detailed report from the MPD Homicide section, at 11:10 pm, elements of the Delpan PCP were conducting a patrol when they saw two unidentified men, one heavily-tattooed, between 35-40, the other between the ages of 25-30. The police “accosted the two male persons for verification and questioning.” The two suddenly pulled out guns and shot the Delpan police.

“Sensing imminent and actual dangers on their lives, both police officers was constraint to fire back.”

Part 8: The 'demon' of Delpan

Alvarez has been called many names. The people along Road 10 call him a demon. The people of Isla Puting Bato call him a murderer. Along Parola, he is called “that son of a bitch killer.” Residents who asked to remain anonymous offered his full name: PO3 Ronald Buad Alvarez, beat patrolman of the Delpan PCP.

Rappler has made repeated requests to interview Alvarez. Although his commanders have endorsed the invitations, Alvarez sent word of his refusal, saying that he will not speak upon the advise of his counsel.

Multiple witnesses identified Alvarez by his official photo, made available by the MPD through a Freedom of Information request. The Rupillo family pointed to the picture of Alvarez. They said he was the policeman Mario Rupillo’s friends were referring to when they claimed he had been tortured. Alvarez, they said, was well known.

Nenita Cumilang, Joshua’s mother, identified both the police file photo and a 2016 photograph Rappler acquired of PO3 Ronald Alvarez as one of the men who shot her son.

“That’s Alvarez,” Nenita said.

Joshua’s sister Sara also identified the photo. She herself had her own encounter with Alvarez sometime after her brother’s death.

“I saw my brother’s killer, down near the entrance [of Isla Puting Bato],” she said. “When I passed them, there he was. Alvarez called me.”

She said Alvarez was accompanied by the same men who were with him the day Joshua Cumilang was killed. He demanded she surrender herself as a drug user. He said it was for her own good. She said he carried a surrender form.

Sara said she was terrified, and signed the papers.

Rowena Aparri, who had begged on her knees for the life of her son Rex, pointed to the same photos.

“He’s the one who pushed me,” she said. “He’s the one who killed my son.”

Police Officer 3 Ronald Alvarez, badge number 125658, was officially assigned to the beat patrol of Manila's Police Station-2 along Moriones on February 10, 2014. The entirety of his recorded tenure with the Philippine National Police has been within the National Capital Region, with stints under the regional office headquarters as well as the southern and northern commands. His personnel record lists 13 citations across his career, including 6 medals of commendation, a medal of merit, and two medals of efficiency for 2015. There are no criminal or administrative marks against him. He has never been suspended. He has never been absent without leave. He has never failed to report to formation. His performance evaluation grade for the last half of 2012 was “very satisfactory,” the second highest rating with a numerical value of 84.

{source}

<div class="feature" id="feature4">

<div class="image">

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/563E71C5A8314840AA987EB524A61DD8/img/2A5603275C374EEDAE11261E2137F373/CH-8-Alvarez.jpg" data-caption="The official photo of PO3 Ronald Buad Alvarez as a young policeman." class="nolazy active"/>

<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/563E71C5A8314840AA987EB524A61DD8/img/FD3D86B2B35A47F59D78AB29A55C9A1C/CH-8-Alvarez2.jpg" data-caption="A 2016 photograph of Alvarez, as confirmed by MPD Director Joel Coronel." class="nolazy"/>

</div>

<div class="caption alvarez"></div>

</div>

{/source}

Although Alvarez himself does not maintain social media accounts, his family does. The mole to the right of his nose repeatedly described by crime scene witnesses is prominent in his family’s photos. He blows birthday cakes, dandles grandchildren, sings karaoke, and celebrates holidays. He sits stoic with his eyes fixed on the camera as his wife kisses him on New Year’s Eve. He is there to drive his family to Sofitel Hotel for a day sitting on lounge chairs. He is there at christenings and family gatherings. His name is printed on a T-shirt, along with the rest of his family’s. Online, he seems an ordinary man. There is no mention of his profession, or of his being a cop for close to 20 years. He appears to be Delpan’s secret, the man in the white shirt with the thick gold necklace who introduces himself as a cop and wanders down alleyways allegedly slamming plastic tubs into people’s heads.

Residents claimed he made a habit of walking into village halls to demand protection money from village chiefs. Those within the vicinity of the Delpan PCP also said Alvarez was assigned to the area long before Rodrigo Duterte was inaugurated president.

According to Police Superintendent Arnold Thomas Ibay, commander of Police Station-2 Moriones– under whose supervision the Delpan PCP falls - all police operations, including those with casualties, have been “conducted properly.” PS-2 Moriones has the highest rate of arrests among Manila’s 11 stations, contributing 582 to Manila’s total of 3,850 since July 2016.

Ibay denied allegations of torture and summary execution.

“For me, they did their jobs,” he said. “If they made mistakes, Homicide conducts investigations with regard to the case, and they will have to face it.”

MPD Homicide lists 45 fatalities from police operations under PS-2 Moriones during the 7 months of Project Double Barrel. Rappler studied the spot reports and internal affairs memos of 27 of the cases. (The MPD Homicide Section said the rest of the spot reports were not properly archived.) All of the reports said policemen fought against armed suspects who violently resisted arrest.

At least 13 of the people killed were unidentified in reports, some of them with single-name aliases. The standard for what constitutes a threat to a policeman is unclear.

“That’s their call,” Ibay said. “If they’re in danger where they are, then they have to protect themselves.”

Part 9: 'They will commit suicide'

Police Chief Superintendent Joel Coronel is categorical that no complaints of human rights violations under Project Double Barrel have reached his office. He said the Internal Affairs Service that investigates every fatal police operations has found no anomalies or illegal actions committed by Manila’s police as of April 2017.

The Director of the Manila Police District is a tall man, clean-cut and gregarious. Although he had been told in an earlier interview of accusations about human rights violations against Alvarez, he was surprised that the allegations were about summary executions. “Not just torture, coercion or what?” he asked.

He said Alvarez remains on duty as a beat patrolman in Delpan, although Coronel added he had ordered a review of cases because of the allegations against Alvarez reported to Rappler.

“I cannot comment on [Alvarez] other than what appears in his record, because I do not know him personally. So based on the record if I look he’s an ideal policeman – I mean not an ideal but he’s what, what should I say, an above-average policeman because he’s very satisfactory, based on his record.”

Told that the allegations also involved other policemen, Coronel said they would have to be investigated too. “If it can be established there’s conspiracy among them, all of them, those who are involved in that operation may be held accountable for murder.”

Rappler requested interviews with 7 of the Delpan PCP policemen listed in the spot reports narrating the encounters that killed Joshua Cumilang, Rex Aparri, and Mario Rupillo. Commander Ibay of PS-2 Moriones relayed their refusal, saying they declined the interviews.

Coronel had a tendency to break into nervous laughter, particularly whenever he was told about the specific complaints against PO3 Ronald Alvarez. He giggled when he was told Alvarez bragged about his kills, and chuckled to himself as he read how Rex Aparri allegedly fought back against policemen. While he said erring cops could be held both criminally and administratively liable for human rights violations, he also presented an alternate scenario.

“It’s possible that the person was already dead when Alvarez shot him,” he said laughing. “I don’t know, maybe that’s possible. The person’s dead, and Alvarez kept shooting him.” He paused, then laughed again. “Maybe that’s what the witnesses saw. No, I’m not one to joke about this, sorry," he said, then trailed off as he pulled off his glasses.

{source}

<div class="featured">

<div class="flex-video widescreen">

<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Z9Lj7EQg1aY" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>

</div>

</div>

{/source}

The chief of the MPD is proud of his district’s performance. Under Duterte and the first rollout of Project Double Barrel, Coronel said the MPD has been able to operate under its own authority, without the clearances once required from the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA).

“Anyone,” he said, was allowed to operate – “even beat patrollers.” Reports to PDEA were required only “after the fact.”

PDEA refuted this, telling Rappler there have been no changes in coordination rules.

“I believe we are successful," Coronel said about Project Double Barrel. The drug war may be ongoing, but the police have the upper hand. Anti-illegal drug operations have gone up. The drug supply has gone down. Crime rates have also gone down, with the exception of homicides. The city has met its required quota of surrenderers, with 46,764 recorded since July 1.

“Not everyone is killed,” he said. “We have more arrests than killed." The 368 killed since July, he said, are "even less than 10%" of arrests.

The fatalities did not surprise Coronel, as he said drug suspects are expected to fight back.

“That’s really it, they will commit suicide just to hold on to the drugs they have,” he said. "I'm sure they borrowed money to get it. They know their lives are at stake and that drug traffickers will kill them. It’s no different from Mexicans and Colombians.”

Part 10: 'They wanted it'

On March 29, after the resumption of the drug war, President Rodrigo Duterte said policemen charged with killing drug suspects would be granted absolute pardon if they pled guilty. He referred to the case of 19 policemen charged by the National Bureau of Investigation for the alleged execution of Albuerta Mayor Rolando Espinosa.

“Who will I believe? The witnesses in jail, or my cops? My cops,” declared the President. “They have been charged with murder. I will support them. There is no problem.”

Twenty-one witnesses from multiple cases in a number of locations said PO3 Ronald Alvarez, with a number of other officers, is responsible for at least 5 cases of summary executions later characterized as legitimate police operations. The witnesses come from Isla Puting Bato and Parola, the areas considered by Delpan Precinct Commander Rexson Layug so unruly, they required hourly foot patrols.

Rappler conducted more than 40 interviews in the 3-month course of reporting this story and reviewed the relevant police reports, internal affairs documents, laboratory results, and media accounts to investigate fatalities in police operations within the area of responsibility of PS-2 Moriones.

Some witnesses withdrew their stories out of fear of reprisal. Rappler excluded those from this report. Although some witnesses requested changes in name, Jimmy Walker, Nenita and Sara Jane Cumilang, Rowena and Nelson Aparri, and Mark Anthony and Loreta Rupillo did not. Most of them allowed themselves to be photographed. They were interviewed several times and independently of each other. Other witnesses who asked to remain unnamed validated many of their statements.

The people of Parola and Isla Puting Bato believe they know a killer’s name. Nenita Cumilang remembered the gun he thrust against her mouth. Loreta Rupillo held his picture in her hand, and looked up at the jar holding the ashes of her dead son. Rowena Aparri said his name, and will say it again and again, because it is all she can do for a son she couldn’t protect. Lydia Suarez is afraid for her life, because if Alvarez killed once, he can kill again.

{source}
<div class="feature" id="feature5">
<div class="image">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/A7DEE93417D8409A9CFFBFEC39E59426/1-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy active">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/FCFEE30907CA4611A4C8472F5140B56B/2-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/9F1A6C426F2741AB860F4D3A366A7D2A/3-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/526215E6413B4FCAAEC4375A663FA6D6/4-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/FE10B50B8210444E9F8E3CC97697A75A/5-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/66FDEA0D604E4C319E514C92BCC939AD/6-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy">
<img src="http://assets.rappler.com/C97E3E44B41D4368AF37B6537AD1CD5F/img/4741D974939B425BAD865ADB7B2522DD/7-closing-montage.jpg" class="nolazy">
</div>
<div class="caption"></div>
</div>
{/source}

The war was declared on the eve of July 1, 2016. A few hours after he was inaugurated president, Rodrigo Duterte stood at the Delpan Sports Complex and made an announcement.

“Those of you into drugs, I’m done warning after the election. Whatever happens to you, all of you listen, it could be your sibling, it could be your spouse, it could be your friend, your child, I am letting you know, there will be no blaming here. I told you to stop. Now, if anything happens to them, they wanted it. They wanted it.” – Rappler.com

{source}

<script>

var charMapData =

{
"ch2": [
{
"Name": "Joshua Cumilang",
"Role": "Deceased",
"Description": "18 years old, known as Wawa",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/640B853984CD4CD6ACD780A40D958981/Joshua_Cumilang_Photo_squarecrop_640B853984CD4CD6ACD780A40D958981.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314290&Signature=z88aDjVIIJ577GVjxZVurTzxgMw%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Jimmy Walker",
"Role": "Cousin of Joshua Cumilang",
"Description": "20 years old",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/EFE514C409054E0EA707B3522F3B0C42/Jimmy_Walker_squarecrop_EFE514C409054E0EA707B3522F3B0C42.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314285&Signature=24C5FBygE26O7QUwMBh%2Fk57LosQ%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Nenita Cumilang",
"Role": "Mother of Joshua Cumilang",
"Description": "47 years old, vendor",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/00658E143AEC42E19874E3854FA763AE/Nenita_Cumilang_squarecrop_00658E143AEC42E19874E3854FA763AE.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314304&Signature=TDGbYyTYcwPOGTS5AMxzljq0eyM%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Sara Jane Cumilang",
"Role": "Sister of Joshua Cumilang",
"Description": "23 years old",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Alvarez",
"Role": "Alleged killer",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
}
],
"ch3": [
{
"Name": "Joshua Cumilang",
"Role": "Deceased",
"Description": "18 years old, known as Wawa",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/640B853984CD4CD6ACD780A40D958981/Joshua_Cumilang_Photo_squarecrop_640B853984CD4CD6ACD780A40D958981.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314290&Signature=z88aDjVIIJ577GVjxZVurTzxgMw%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Jimmy Walker",
"Role": "Cousin of Joshua Cumilang",
"Description": "20 years old",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/EFE514C409054E0EA707B3522F3B0C42/Jimmy_Walker_squarecrop_EFE514C409054E0EA707B3522F3B0C42.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314285&Signature=24C5FBygE26O7QUwMBh%2Fk57LosQ%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Nenita Cumilang",
"Role": "Mother of Joshua Cumilang",
"Description": "47 years old, vendor",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/00658E143AEC42E19874E3854FA763AE/Nenita_Cumilang_squarecrop_00658E143AEC42E19874E3854FA763AE.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314304&Signature=TDGbYyTYcwPOGTS5AMxzljq0eyM%3D"
},
{
"Name": "PO1 Sherwin Mipa",
"Role": "Shooter on record",
"Description": "Delpan PCP",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Alvarez",
"Role": "Alleged killer",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Police Inspector Rexson Layug",
"Role": "Commander, Delpan PCP",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/053EEE72F58744FCACAE593769002B30/layug_square_crop.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808442976&Signature=%2BVYvMXfv3kGlsGB8KkOtgf8pqY8%3D"
},
{
"Name": "SPO3 Jonathan Bautista",
"Role": "Investigator-on-case",
"Description": "Homicide Division, MPD",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/6DC6E39BFC074C41A525E7941F694D90/Jonathan-Bautista-crop.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808315325&Signature=kBvLztihNbjMmDn5Cg2eJ9vB4bQ%3D"
}
],
"ch4": [
{
"Name": "Rex Aparri",
"Role": "Deceased",
"Description": "30 years old, garbage collector",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/0CC2E65065A44139A730A012F82DF20A/Rex_Aparri_Photo_squarecrop_0CC2E65065A44139A730A012F82DF20A.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808544158&Signature=eWyF39d3NcsJ1yVN24iqjJsIpVg%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Nelson Aparri",
"Role": "Father of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "52 years old, garbage collector ",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/4290C2023ACE41B1872E2209481D17ED/Witness-Nelson_Aparri_Father_squarecrop_4290C2023ACE41B1872E2209481D17ED.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808314306&Signature=RkY3ljqB00pTDiaeKRj3wlFjbF0%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Rowena Aparri",
"Role": "Mother of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "Street sweeper",
"ImageUrl": "https://rappler-assets.s3-us-west-1.amazonaws.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/A4F9C1E436134D4EA1042D962CA3A2CD/rowena_aparri.jpg?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJZT25YUX4PJDIYZA&Expires=1808557173&Signature=lelGxLu8JzLFOePLe84af7E%2FwjU%3D"
},
{
"Name": "Lori Ann",
"Role": "Girlfriend of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "Mother of Rex Aparri's 10-month-old son",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Alvarez",
"Role": "Alleged killer",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
}
],
"ch5": [
{
"Name": "Rex Aparri",
"Role": "Deceased",
"Description": "30 years old, resident of Isla Puting Bato",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/0CC2E65065A44139A730A012F82DF20A/Rex_Aparri_Photo_squarecrop_0CC2E65065A44139A730A012F82DF20A.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Nelson Aparri",
"Role": "Father of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "52 years old, garbage collector ",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/4290C2023ACE41B1872E2209481D17ED/Witness-Nelson_Aparri_Father_squarecrop_4290C2023ACE41B1872E2209481D17ED.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Rowena Aparri",
"Role": "Mother of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "Street sweeper",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Lori Ann",
"Role": "Girlfriend of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "Mother of Rex Aparri's 10-month-old son",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "SPO2 Charles John Duran",
"Role": "Investigator-on-case",
"Description": "Homicide Division, MPD",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/E792C7038F434332AF806B7976861DD2/duran-crop.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Alvarez",
"Role": "Alleged killer",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
}
],
"ch6": [
{
"Name": "Mario Rupillo",
"Role": "Deceased",
"Description": "28 years old, butcher",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/E815D319239B4346B69577A50A7DF0DE/rupillo_mario.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Mark Anthony Rupillo",
"Role": "Brother of deceased",
"Description": "30 years old, butcher and construction worker",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/739650079761471A8FD0FDFB5393A24B/Witness_-Mark_Anhony_Rupillo_-_brother_squarecrop_739650079761471A8FD0FDFB5393A24B.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Loreta Rupillo",
"Role": "Mother of deceased",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "SPO1 Marcelino Pedrozo III",
"Role": "Shooter on record",
"Description": "Delpan PCP",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "SPO4 Glenzor Vallejo",
"Role": "Investigator-on-case",
"Description": "Homicide Division, MPD",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/7F144B69D04A4BBF9C1511F7F88F83DE/vallejo-crop.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Alvarez",
"Role": "Alleged killer",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
}
],
"ch7": [
{
"Name": "Danilo Dacillio",
"Role": "Deceased",
"Description": "36 years old",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/B58D75672C8840BD815A3FB51DA4BACB/Danilo_Dacello_Photo_squarecrop_B58D75672C8840BD815A3FB51DA4BACB.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Lourdes Dacillio",
"Role": "Mother of Danilo Dacillio",
"Description": "72 years old, vendor",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/2E322415C98A4930A91F7350502279E1/Witness_-_Lourdes_Dacello-Mother_squarecrop_2E322415C98A4930A91F7350502279E1.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Lydia Suarez",
"Role": "Aunt of Danilo Dacillio",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Alvarez",
"Role": "Alleged killer",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
}
],
"ch8": [
{
"Name": "PO3 Ronald Buad Alvarez",
"Role": "Beat Patroller, Delpan PCP",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Police Chief Inspector Rexson Layug",
"Role": "Commander, Delpan PCP",
"Description": "Direct Supervisor of PO3 Ronald Alvarez",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/053EEE72F58744FCACAE593769002B30/layug_square_crop.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Police Superintendent Arnold Thomas Ibay",
"Role": "Station Commander, PS-2 Moriones",
"Description": "Direct Supervisor of PCP Delpan",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/31FE0DD92005424D8D6B7E97C62398ED/ibay.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "Sara Jane Cumilang",
"Role": "Sister of Joshua Cumilang",
"Description": "23 years old",
"ImageUrl": ""
},
{
"Name": "Rowena Aparri",
"Role": "Mother of Rex Aparri",
"Description": "Street sweeper",
"ImageUrl": ""
}
],
"ch9": [
{
"Name": "Police Chief Superintendent Joel Coronel",
"Role": "District Director Manila Police District",
"Description": "Commands all 11 Manila stations, including PS-2 Moriones",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/19B84CE1C3734AAEB48B882F6BC7F5F4/coronel_square_crop.jpg"
},
{
"Name": "PO3 Ronald Buad Alvarez",
"Role": "Beat Patroller, Delpan PCP",
"Description": "",
"ImageUrl": "http://assets.rappler.com/6D50E4BBE857448B914EC321E7487917/img/558CA2FE29CE40048A0099F27BF3101A/alvarez_square_crop.jpg"
}
]
}

glossaryData =

[
{
"term": "Project Double Barrel",
"definition": "The Philippine National Police’s anti-illegal drugs campaign plan implemented at the start of the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte in July 2016. The plan addresses the drug problem through Project Tokhang (low barrel approach) for small-time drug users and dealers and Project HVT (upper barrel approach) for big-time drug lords."
},
{
"term": "Operation Tokhang",
"definition": "Tokhang is a combination of the Bisaya words \"toktok\" and \"hangyo\" which literally means \"to knock\" and \"to plead.\" The brainchild of PNP chief Director General Ronald dela Rosa during his stint as Davao City chief of police, this low-barrel approach involves policemen knocking on doors of suspected drug personalities to encourage them to “surrender.” "
},
{
"term": "Surrender",
"definition": "In the context of Duterte’s war on drugs, surrenderers refer to individuals who voluntarily submit themselves to law authorities – usually at police stations and local village halls – to admit involvement with illegal drugs, and undergo treatment – whether community-based or in residential treatment centers. They are usually among those in police watchlists built by government agencies, local leaders, informants and the police. Many believed surrender meant safety from police operations."
},
{
"term": "Spot Report",
"definition": "Immediate initial investigation or incident report from station investigators reporting incidents occurring in the area of responsibility of police stations. They include personalities involved, including fatalities and operating teams, as well as a narrative of facts and a list of confiscated evidence."
},
{
"term": "Blotter Entry",
"definition": "An official handwritten log book which contains the daily register of all crime incident reports, official summary of arrests, and other significant events reported in a police station. A police officer on duty is required to record the nature of each incident in the blotter including nature of the action or offense, date, time, and place of occurrence, name of suspect/s, victim/s, witness/es. The name of the officer assigned to the case and its status are also included in the blotter entry."
},
{
"term": "Deaths Under Investigation",
"definition": "Known also as DUIs, it is the term initially used by the PNP to describe drug-related killings they could not explain. The PNP eventually used DUIs to refer to killings in which motives are yet to be determined but not necessarily drug-related. The latest count shows that there are 3,603 DUIs since July 1. Meanwhile, 2,686 individuals were killed in allegedly legitimate police operations since July 1 to April 16. This story focuses on deaths claimed as legitimate police killings. "
},
{
"term": "Manila Police District / MPD",
"definition": "The capital’s police headquarters, commanding all of Manila’s stations. It is headed by Police Chief Superintendent Joel Coronel."
},
{
"term": "MPD Homicide Section",
"definition": "The Manila Police District's Crimes Against Persons Investigative Section (CAPIS), more commonly known as MPD Homicide, handles investigations into deaths within and outside police operations. MPD’s Homicide Section was headed by Police Senior Inspector Rommel Anicete during a majority of Project Double Barrel, and is now run by an Officer-in-Charge, Police Chief Inspector Fernildo de Castro."
},
{
"term": "PS-2 Moriones",
"definition": "Manila Police Station-2 Moriones, one of Manila’s 11 stations, PS-2 along Moriones Street covers 4 Police Community Precincts (PCPs) under its jurisdiction that covers parts of Tondo, Tayuman and Tutuban. This station is led by Police Superintendent Arnold Ibay."
},
{
"term": "Delpan PCP",
"definition": "A PCP is the smallest PNP field unit. The Delpan Police Community Precinct, located under the Delpan Bridge, covers Parola and Isla Puting Bato. The Delpan PCP is led by Police Chief Inspector Rexson Layug."
}
]

</script>

{/source}

The bigger hurdles to having ICC prosecute Duterte

$
0
0

 On April 24,  Jude Josue Sabio, lawyer of self-confessed hitman Edgar Matobato, submitted a 77-page “communication” to Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda of the International Criminal Court (ICC). He charged Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and 11 of his senior officials of having committed “mass murder or extra-judicial executions constituting crime against humanity.” Duterte’s war on drugs, he claimed, “have brought deaths to not less than 1,400 individuals in Davao City and more than 8,000 in his national war on drugs, respectively.”

While many media outfits labeled it as a “complaint,” Sabio’s “communication”is not a complaint in the strict sense of the word. Under the Rome Statute (the treaty that governs the ICC), non-state actors like NGOs or private individuals like Attorney Sabio are not allowed to directly file complaints before it. 

Under Article 13, the ICC can only act on a situation when:

  • It is referred or endorsed by a state party.
  • It is referred or endorsed by the United Nations Security Council.
  • The Prosecutor has initiated an investigation proprio motu on the basis of information on crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court. (See Article 15 on powers of the Prosecutor.)

It is clear in the above provision that Sabio’s communicationis not enough to directly trigger the jurisdiction of the ICC over the acts and the person of President Duterte. At the most, the communication can be treated as an attempt to relay “information”to the ICC’s Prosecutor, hoping she would initiate an investigation proprio motu into the acts alleged to have been committed by Duterte. Or she may completely disregard it.

However, the bigger hurdle to Sabio’s quest to prosecute Duterte before the ICC is the “principle of complementarity,” which essentially mandates that crimes be investigated or prosecuted domestically first, before they can be elevated to the ICC. 

This recognizes that states have the first responsibility and right to prosecute international crimes. This is founded on the idea that signatory states are sovereign, and this sovereignty extends to its criminal jurisdiction. The ICC was not created to substitute domestic courts, but envisioned as a court of “last resort,” specially covering the most serious crimes such as genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crime of aggression.

Thus, direct resort to the ICC, bypassing available domestic remedies, is a breach of the “principle of complementarity.”It renders the case “inadmissible” following Article 17 of the Rome Statute. This inadmissibility also attaches when:

  • The case is still being investigated or prosecuted by a State which has jurisdiction over it.
  • The case has been investigated by a State and it has decided not to prosecute the person concerned.
  • The person concerned has already been tried for conduct and has already been convicted or acquitted by the Court.

COMPLAINT VS DUTERTE. Filipino lawyer Jude Sabio files a complaint against President Rodrigo Duterte before the International Criminal Court. Photo courtesy of Jude Sabio.

This rule on complementarity, however, is not set in stone. The framers of the Rome Statute have been mindful that, in many cases, heads of states can be the very people directly involved in the commission of crimes, and in those instances domestic courts have the tendency to be protective of them. In this case, the Rome Statute dispenses the complementarity rule under the condition that it can be demonstrated that the State is either “unwilling” or “unable” to genuinely carry out the investigation or prosecution. 

The State is said to be “unwilling”to prosecute when:

  • The proceedings were or are being undertaken or the national decision was made for the purpose of shielding the person concerned from criminal responsibility.
  • There has been an unjustified delay in the proceedings.
  • The proceedings were not or are not being conducted independently or impartially.

Sabio’s supposed complaint raises an immediate question on how he justified and demonstrated the unwillingness or inability of the Philippine government to prosecute the President for the crimes he allegedly committed.

Under the Philippines’ constitutional system, prosecuting an incumbent President for a criminal offense requires a two-step process. First, he has to be impeached to strip him of his immunity from suit. Then comes the actual prosecution before the regular courts. The impeachment is undertaken by Congress, initiated at the House of Representatives and tried in the Senate. The prosecution for the criminal offense is heard by regular courts.

For Sabio to show the unwillingness of the Philippine government, he has to show that any of the following:

  • The two proceedings (impeachment and criminal prosecution) have not been “conducted independently or impartially.” 
  • There has been “unjustified delay.” 
  • Their decisions were “made for the purpose of shielding [Duterte].”

The problem is that, one, at the time of the sending of the communication to the Prosecutor of the ICC, an impeachment complaint had already been filed against President Duterte by Magdalo Representative Gary Alejano on exactly the same grounds cited by Sabio – i.e. “extrajudicial killings of persons suspected of being drug pushers or users.” It remains pending before Congress.

The pendency of an impeachment proceeding, being effectively preparatory to Duterte’s domestic prosecution, renders any ICC move  inadmissible by reason of the complimentarity principle. 

Two, the criminal prosecution before local courts per se has also yet to be availed. When a criminal case is still pending and yet to be resolved, or even yet to be filed, Sabio cannot claim that domestic remedies have been exhausted or that the hearing bodies have not been independent or impartial.

Regardless of whether Sabio’s claim is true, the fact remains that his resort to the ICC is premature, at least at the moment. It can, however, be revived or refiled when the impeachment case or the subsequent court trial eventually turns out to have been conducted not independently and impartially. It would then be tantamount to “unwillingness.” This time the waiver of the requirement for complimentarity may be justified. – Rappler.com

Emil Marañon III is an election lawyer who served as chief of staff of former Comelec Chairman Sixto Brillantes Jr. He is candidate for LLM in Human Rights, Conflict and Justice at SOAS, University of London, as a Chevening scholar. 

PH plans for Pag-asa to test Duterte's friendship with China

$
0
0

IT IS OURS. Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana lays down plans to develop facilities in Pag-Asa Island in the West Philippine Sea. Rappler photo

PAG-ASA ISLAND, Philippines – From the cockpit of a C130 plane of the Philippine Air Force, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana saw for himself what has become of the reefs that China, and even Vietnam, turned into artificial islands. He was all the more awed by the massive facilities he previously saw only in photos reported to him.

And then he braced for the landing on the short and already eroded runway on the Philippine's Pag-asa Island. In contrast, facilities here are sparse despite the presence of soldiers and a community of about a hundred Filipino civilians.

Here, he made a promise to the residents. The island will not be neglected anymore under President Rodrigo Duterte, he said in a speech after the flag-raising ceremony. (READ: PH military says nothing like singing nat'l anthem on Pag-asa)

"Maraming gustong ipagawa ang ating mahal na Presidente. Mayroon tayong nakalaang pera rito," Lorenzana said. (Our beloved President wants to build a lot of facilities. We have alloted money for the island.)

Lorenzana said work should start immediately – "within the next few weeks" – to get some things done before the rainy season begins in July. 

Strong signal to China

Lorenzana's visit to Pag-asa, bringing along the top brass of the military, sends a strong signal that the country is not neglecting its claim over the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea).

His pronouncements also serve to test Duterte's friendship with the most agressive claimant in the area.

A note verbale from China is expected to protest Philippine plans for Pag-asa. It can be ignored. But the Asian economic giant could do more to try to stop the plans.

What happens in the next months will show how the friendship really works.

Jay Batongbacal, director of the University of the Philippines Institute for Maritime Affairs and the Law of the Sea, expects China to talk Duterte out of these plans. 

"Definitely China will call on President Duterte and try to get him to change his mind. Kung bumaliktad siya (If he makes a turnaround), then it is going to be your proof that he'll kowtow to China. Kung hindi (If not), then that's an indication na mukhang hindi naman siya ganoon ka-close (that the relationship is not that close)," Batongbacal told Rappler. 

Protests from China prompted Duterte to back out of a plan for him to raise the Philippine flag here on June 12 for the celebration of the Philippine Independence Day. 

Will Duterte give in again if China pushes to stop the plans? (READ: Duterte cancels plans to raise flag in Spratlys)

"Any change now in the plans is an indication of where that relationship really is," Batongbacal said. 

Modest plan: runway to sewage system

Pag-asa is the seat of power of the Kalayaan Group of Islands (Spratlys), consisting of 8 islands and a sandbar claimed by the Philippines. It has a town hall, a school building, a dilapidated runway, and not much else. There's not even a pier. (READ: The residents of Pag-asa: Life on a disputed island)

On the island, Lorenzana announced a modest plan to improve facilities here a little bit. Number one, the runway. (READ: PH allots P1.6B to fast track construction on Pag-asa)

"Kanina nakakatakot mag-landing itong C130. Akala mo lalampas na sa runway dahil sa igsi ng runway," he said. (It was a scary landing for the C130. You'd think it would overshoot the short runway.)

There is no view inside the belly of the C130 plane. But one would hear the tires upon landing – shaking wildly as it rolls over uneven earth that's begging for badly-needed repair.

NEIGHBOR. China-occupied Subi Reef is less than 20 nautical miles from the Philippine's Pag-asa island. Photo by Carmela Fonbuena/Rappler

If Lorenzana's timeline will be followed, a beach ramp will be built immediately so construction materials can be transported into the island. Everything else will be easier.

Aside from fixing the runway, Lorenzana said they will build other facilities, such as solar power tower, radio tower, desalination, plant, fish port, and a sewage facility.

"Ito lahat 'yung ating plano, plano ng ating Presidente. Sabi rin niya, 'Gawin na ninyo 'yan. Huwag 'nyo nang patagalin. Kaya kami nandito ngayon," Lorenzana told the residents. (All these plans came from the President. He said we should get them done immediately. We should not tarry. That is why we are here.)

The previous administration had similar plans, had allocated funding, and awarded contracts for the development of Pag-asa Island. But these were deferred because they thought it was best to wait for the ruling on the country's international arbitration case against China.

Meanwhile, China has built 3 runways on artificial islands in the South China Sea almost overnight.

The ruling of the Permanent Court of Arbitration based in The Hague came out in July 2016 when Duterte was already president. The court said China violated the Philippine's sovereign rights, although the court did not rule on several maritime territories, such as Pag-asa and Scarborough Shoal. (READ: Highlights of the ruling: China violated Philippine sovereign rights)

"I think we could already resume at 'yun naman ang gustong mangyari ni (and that is the plan of the) President – improve facilities here," Lorenzana said. 

Changing strategy

The Philippines occupied Pag-asa Island in the 1970s during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos. It deployed troops here and then built a runway. But the island was neglected through the years while China grew aggressive with its claims.

"We are the last claimants here who are doing something on the islands that we are occupying. Nandito na tayo noon pang 1971. 'Yung ating bandila naka-plant na 'yan nun pang mga 1970sNauna tayo rito. 'Yung mga iba diyan sumunod na lang," Lorenzana said. (We've been heare since 1971. Our flag was planted here way back in the '70s. We were first here. The others just followed.)

Philippine presidents from Ferdinand Marcos to Duterte have adopted various strategies to deal with China. 

In 1994, China wrested control of Mischief Reef from the Philippines. The 2016 ruling said Mischief Reef is a part of the Philippines' exclusive economic zone and is the only country that has rights to develop the maritime feature. But Mischief Reef is one of the 7 reefs that China has turned into artificial islands.

In 2012, China practically occupied Scarborough Shoal off the coast of Zambales province in Luzon. It prompted President Benigno Aquino III to file the arbitration case against China, cut communication lines, and engage in a word war with Beijing. (READ: Aquino legacy: Defying China)

Duterte has taken a different track from Aquino, shelving the arbitration ruling and instead warmed ties with China to focus on economic partnership. There have been concerns that he has become too friendly.

MEETING IN CHINA. Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte shakes hands with his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping after they witness the signing of documents on cooperation in trade, agriculture, tourism, maritime security, and infrastructure. Photo by Toto Lozano/PPD

Former Defense Secretary Albert del Rosario warned against the bilateral track and urged the government to pursue the implementation of the arbitration ruling, saying it is the best way to protect the country's interest.

Del Rosario said the Philippines should take advantage of its current leadership of the ASEAN to influence the regional body to integrate the ruling into the Code of Conduct. (READ: Ex-DFA chief raises questions on Duterte's China policy)

But Lorenzana is confident with Duterte's China policy: "We are trying to manage the issue and talk to them one on one bilaterally, settle this dispute in the South China Sea. I believe that the President is right in talking to the Chinese leadership on how to manage the issue here in South China Sea." 

The friendship has shown some gains as fishermen have been allowed back to Scarborough Shoal, although critics are worried that the country might enter into agreements that could compromise the country's claim. 

South China Sea observers are going to watch if the Philippines will proceed with its plans for Pag-asa. It offers an opportunity for Duterte to prove his critics wrong. – Rappler.com

What challenges will complaint vs Duterte face before ICC?

$
0
0

COMPLAINT VS DUTERTE. Filipino lawyer Jude Sabio files a complaint against President Rodrigo Duterte before the International Criminal Court. All photos courtesty of Jude Sabio.

MANILA, Philippines – On Monday, April 24, lawyer Jude Sabio requested the International Criminal Court to hold President Rodrigo Duterte accountable for alleged "mass murder" in the Philippines. 

Citing the deaths allegedly carried out by the Davao Death Squad (DDS) and the victims of the existing war on drugs, the lawyer of self-confessed hitman Edgar Matobato requested the Pre-Trial Chamber of the international court to "commit Duterte and his senior government officials to the Trial Chamber for trial and that the Trial Chamber in turn, after trial, convict them and sentence them to corresponding prison sentence or life imprisonment.”

The anti-illegal drugs campaign of the present administration has been the subject of criticism of local and international organizations for its unprecedented number of deaths.

Latest data from the Philippine National Police (PNP) shows that since July 1, about 2,717 individuals have been killed in police operations. Meanwhile, deaths under investigation number 3,603. (READ: IN NUMBERS: The Philippines’ war on drugs)

The submission of the 78-page “communication” entitled, "The Situation of Mass Murder in the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte: The Mass Murderer” to the ICC, however, is just the beginning of what will be a foreseeable long process that may take years – if it even prospers. 

Crimes against humanity

Aside from Duterte, Sabio indicated in his complaint 11 officials – including Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre and PNP chief Director General Ronald dela Rosa, among others – who should also be held liable for crimes against humanity.

The ICC defines crimes against humanity as “serious violations committed as part of a large-scale attack against any civilian population.” (READ: Things to know about Duterte's pet peeve ICC)

While the Philippines is under the international court’s jurisdiction after it ratified the Rome Statute in 2012 and crimes against humanity is among those covered, it is still up to the Office of the Prosecutor whether the complaint will see its day in court or not.  

Harvard Law professor and former ICC investigation and prosecution coordinator Alex Whiting explained the process to Rappler in an email:

“The Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC must conclude that there is a reasonable basis to believe crimes within the jurisdiction of the court have been committed. It will then open a preliminary examination to determine if a full investigation is warranted, and will assess whether an ICC crime was committed within the Court's jurisdiction, whether a state is investigating (or is likely to investigate), and the gravity of the offense. If it finds these conditions are satisfied, it will commence a full investigation.”

Many government officials, even the opposition, opposed the idea of bringing the war on drugs killings to the ICC as national courts should first be allowed to do their job. This is what some believe would make the case inadmissible in the eyes of the Office of the Prosecutor. (READ: Senators say ICC case vs Duterte ‘dustbin-bound') 

But what would make a case prosper at the ICC? There are a lot to be considered, according to Whiting, but just because all remedies at the level of local courts are not exhausted will not mean a case will be deemed inadmissible. 

“[A case will prosper] either in the absence of a national investigation or if there is a national investigation, a finding by the ICC that the state will be unable to proceed with the investigation because of lack of institutions or will, or access to evidence or the accused, or that its investigation is not genuine, meaning that it is in reality a sham investigation designed to shield the suspects,” he told Rappler.

This was affirmed by lawyer Arpee Santiago, chair of the Philippine Coalition for the International Criminal Court (PCICC).

“The ICC is based on a principle of complementarity, not really on exhaustion of domestic remedies,” he explained. “This means that the ICC can only act when a national court is unable or unwilling to carry out a prosecution but it is also said that when a state's legal system collapses or when a government is a perpetrator of heinous crimes, the ICC can exercise jurisdiction.”

MASS MURDERER. The cover letter of the 78-document submitted to the Office of the Prosecutor by lawyer Jude Sabio.

Major challenges

In the event that an ICC investigation begins over the killings in the Philippines, the biggest challenge the prosecution will face is obtaining evidence that directly links Duterte to the crimes “beyond a reasonable doubt.” 

Sabio, however, said in his complaint before the ICC that there is "direct proof beyond reasonable doubt" that Duterte just carried over his so-called "best practice" of killing suspected criminals in Davao City when he implemented the nationwide war on drugs. 

This was what he said during an interview weeks before flying to the Netherlands: Sabio told Rappler's Chay Hofileña on March 23, that Duterte’s various pronouncements on killing drug personalities show that he continued the “strategy” he used in Davao City as stated in testimonies of the DDS whistle-blowers. (READ: Killings in war on drugs 'extension' of DDS system – Sabio) 

Two international organizations – Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch– stated in their respective reports on the war on drugs that Duterte could be held liable for crimes against humanity for the huge number of suspected drug personalities who have been killed. 

Whiting, however, explained it will take more evidence than what has been stated in the news and the public outcry to support the case against Duterte.

“Although there has been much reporting on the alleged crimes in the Philippines, the prosecution would have to bring reliable proof to court to prove the culpability of senior officials beyond a reasonable doubt,” Whiting said. “That is always a challenge, even when the crimes are notorious or have received significant publicity.” 

Meanwhile, if the charges are approved by the judges at the ICC, arresting accused personalities, in this case Duterte, and the 11 officials – might again pose as a challenge.  

“It will always be a challenge to arrest suspects when the state where they are located is not cooperating with the court,” he said. 

As of April 2017, 13 individuals are at-large or are yet to be arrested by the ICC. One of those who remain at large is Joseph Kony of the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda who currently faces 12 counts of crimes against humanity (murder, enslavement, sexual enslavement, rape, inhumane acts of inflicting serious bodily injury and suffering), and 21 counts of war crimes. 

Take years 

Since 2002, the Office of the Prosecutor at the ICC has received at least 10,000 “communications” from people around the world to investigate alleged crimes.  

As of April 2017, a total of 23 cases have been handled by the international court with 9 convictions and one acquittal. Meanwhile, there are 5 ongoing trials, 10 preliminary examinations, and 10 full investigations. 

Sabio will now wait for the action of the ICC on the complaint he filed. 

According to Whiting, the court will “take as long as it needs to make this assessment” but he personally believes that there is substantial evidence that crimes against humanity are being committed in the Philippines. 

“Sometimes it is clear very quickly, sometimes it takes longer,” he said. “[But] the ICC will in time commence an investigation, and there is a significant possibility that state actors will be charged.  

“All of this will take time, but culpable state officials face a genuine risk that they will be held accountable in the future,” Whiting added.  

The Philippine government has no choice but to cooperate, as withdrawing from the roster of countries that the ICC has jurisdiction over – just like what Duterte threatened to do in November 2016– will no longer affect existing investigations or proceedings, as stated in Article 127 of the Rome Statute. 

If a state does not cooperate in providing evidence requests, and if possible, even a request for an arrest, the international court has mechanisms in place to hold the Philippine government accountable. However, enforcement will yet again be a challenge. 

“Under the Rome Statute the state is under a legal obligation to cooperate with the court's investigations, but the court has few tools to enforce this obligation,” Whiting told Rappler. “Essentially, its sole recourse is to complain to the judges who can then make a finding of non-cooperation and refer the matter to the Assembly of States Parties.”

But the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) on Wednesday, April 26, said that it is "always prepared" to cooperate if the ICC will seek help. 

"The CHR as a national human rights institution is always prepared to cooperate with the UN & other international bodies to ensure that the Philippines abides by its human rights obligations," CHR Chairperson Chito Gascon said. "The ICC has thus far not communicated with the CHR with regard to any investigation it may be conducting regarding developments here."

"In the meantime, we will continue with our documentation of human rights violations and ask the State to hold perpetrators to account," he added.

In the event that the case prospers after the administration of Duterte, Santiago said that he can still be held liable because “the determining factor is when [the crimes] happened” but this is not the immediate issue the complaint will have to face. 

“The two main issues to be determined at the moment that have to be hurdled: the principle of complementarity and the threshold question of whether the cases in the Philippines amount to 'crimes against humanity,'” he explained.  

Determining whether or not Duterte committed crimes against humanity as the bloody war on drugs continues is now in the hands of the Office of the Prosecutor. – Rappler.com

Read Rappler's explainers related to the ICC:

How safe are road users in ASEAN countries?

$
0
0

PUBLIC TRANSPORT. In the Philippines, tricycles are one of the most common modes of transportation. Photo by Joel Leporada/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – Traveling around Southeast Asia can be an adventure in itself: one has the choice to ride trains, buses, tuk-tuks, tricycles, and kalesas.  

But the transport infrastructure in the 10 member countries that make up the Association of Southeast Asian (ASEAN) nations still leave much to be desired. With a population of around 628 million, each ASEAN country has the added challenge of making sure that tourists and locals alike get to travel safely around the region.

Globally, around 1.25 million die each year due to road crashes – a global health issue that experts say is both predictable and preventable. Half of those killed on the roads are pedestrians, cyclists, and motorcyclists. (READ: Road deaths in PH: Most are motorcycle riders, pedestrians

This presents a risk to many ASEAN countries, since majority of the vehicles are motorized two- and 3-wheelers, which are better suited for congested cities, according to the 2016 ASEAN Regional Road Safety Strategy report. 

"The pattern of use of these vehicles – often as family transport – makes it even more imperative that the road safety strategy should focus on addressing the vulnerability of users to road trauma," the report added.

In the ASEAN region, road trauma is generally higher in middle income countries. Among the 10 member countries, only Brunei and Singapore registered the lowest fatality rates per 100,000 population. 

{source} <iframe id="datawrapper-chart-D76E2" src="//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/D76E2/1/" frameborder="0" allowtransparency="true" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" oallowfullscreen="oallowfullscreen" msallowfullscreen="msallowfullscreen" width="100%" height="412"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["D76E2"]={},window.datawrapper["D76E2"].embedDeltas={"100":608,"200":466,"300":439,"400":439,"500":412,"600":412,"700":412,"800":412,"900":412,"1000":412},window.datawrapper["D76E2"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-D76E2"),window.datawrapper["D76E2"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["D76E2"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["D76E2"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("D76E2"==b)window.datawrapper["D76E2"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"});</script>{/source}

According to the ASEAN road safety strategy report, these are the challenges of each member country in keeping road users safe:

Brunei

Brunei has the shortest road network in the Southeast Asian region, with 3,127 kilometers (km) of road length. Its motorization rate is 712 motor vehicles per 1,000 population.

Challenges:

  • Developing a comprehensive national road accident database
  • Providing infrastructure and facilities for pedestrians and cyclists
  • Strengthening enforcement of rules against mobile phone use while driving

Cambodia

Cambodia has a road network of 53,711 km, but only 11% are paved – one of the lowest averages in ASEAN.

Challenges:

  • Improving the safety of two- or 3- wheeler drivers and passengers
  • Strengthening enforcement of laws on speeding, drunk driving, and use of motorcycle helmets
  • Establishing road safety auditing of existing and new infrastructure 

Indonesia

Indonesia is the largest and most populous country in Southeast Asia. It has a road network of 503,604 km, of which 89.7% are paved.

According to the traffic index of Dutch company TomTom, Indonesia ranks 3rd in the world when it comes to the longevity of congestion. The index said that drivers' travel time in the capital Jakarta are increased by 58% during peak hours.

Meanwhile, users on traffic app Waze gave traffic in Indonesia a "miserable" rating of 2.58 out of 10.

Challenges:

  • Implementing regulations for vehicle standards, child restraints, and blood alcohol level limits
  • Developing policies to address motorcycle safety
  • Enforcing speed limit rules and seatbelt use

ROAD USERS. Cars and tuk-tuk ride past a row of ASEAN member countries' flags in the Laos capital of Vientiane on July 23, 2016. Photo by Hoang Dinh Nam/AFP

Laos

Laos has a road network of 56,331 km, but only 17.76% are paved.

Challenges: 

  • Improving access to post-care and emergency services
  • Enhancing enforcement of the national drink driving and seatbelt laws
  • Implementing a demerit point system for drivers

Malaysia

Malaysia has a road network of 144,303 km, with 80.9% paved. 

Its capital city, Kuala Lumpur, was the newest addition to TomTom's traffic index, ranking 54th out of 189 cities worldwide. Driving in the morning increases approximately 33 minutes, and the evening rush hour extends travel time.

Challenges:

  • Increasing wearing rate of seat belts and safety helmets
  • Effective enforcement of laws regulating road user behavior
  • Improving planning, design, construction, and maintenance of roads
  • Creating a road safety culture within the community, and implementing road safety education in schools 

Myanmar

Myanmar has a road network of 151,298 km.

Challenges:

  • Enacting laws for child restraints in cars and banning mobile phone use while driving
  • Effective enforcement of laws regulating road user behavior
  • Improving safety levels of vehicles
  • Strengthening policies to ensure the level of drivers' skills

Philippines 

The Philippines has a road network of about 270,000 km, with 86% of national roads paved. 

In Waze's Driver Satisfaction Index 2016, the Philippines got a score of 1.75 – the second worst score among 38 countries. 

The Japanese International Cooperation Agency said the Philippines will lose P6 billion every day by 2030 if worsening traffic congestions are not resolved.

Challenges: 

  • Creating a road safety body to oversee road safety initiatives
  • Strengthening vehicle inspection and road worthiness
  • Improving collection of road crash data
  • Improving driver's licensing system
  • Providing facilities for pedestrians, bicyclists, and motorcyclists
  • Improving accessibility of ambulances for those injured post-crash 

WALKING IN SINGAPORE. A couple walks along the promenade as a haze can be seen visible over the the Esplanade theatre (background) in Singapore on September 15, 2014. Photo by Rosland Rahman/AFP

Singapore

Singapore has the 2nd smallest population in the Southeast Asia region, but its economy ranks number one. It has 3,496 km of roads, and nearly 100% are paved. 

Traffic is not so bad in Singapore, with only a 53% increase in travel time in the morning or 31 minutes. Evening peak hours add 36 minutes to traveling time according to TomTom's data.

Challenges:

  • Finding ways to protect vulnerable road users (pedestrians, cyclists, motorcyclists)
  • Consolidating national vehicle regulations
  • Incorporating in its road strategy targets for reducing fatalities

Thailand 

Thailand has a road network of 180,053 km. Its capital city, Bangkok, also ranks among the top cities in Asia with bad traffic jams. A traffic index by Inrix places the Thai capital at top spot among 36 other cities in Asia.

Challenges:

  • Introducing and conduct safety auditing of new roads and existing infrastructure
  • Enhancing enforcement of laws regulating road user behavior
  • Improving emergency training for medical responders in post-crash care

Vietnam

Vietnam has a road network of 280,000 km (including local roads).

Challenges: 

  • Improving access to ambulances for post-crash care
  • Enhancing enforcement of laws on drink driving and wearing motorcycle helmets
  • Implementing a demerit system to influence driver behavior

The ASEAN region faces the challenge of improving the safety of road users. 

The road safety strategy report also noted that people in ASEAN countries often migrate from the rural to urban areas, and usually lack experience with motorized vehicles and understanding of road rules. – with reports from Timothy Gucilatar/Rappler.com

Witnesses name Manila policeman behind drug-related summary killings

$
0
0

KILLER? Witnesses identify a Manila policeman behind the drug-related summary killings under the guise of police operations.

MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) – Witnesses accused a policeman of being behind at least 4 drug-related deaths within the jurisdiction of Police Station 2-Moriones in Tondo, Manila, a Rappler investigative story found.

At least 7 people who put their names on the record identified Police Officer 3 Ronald Alvarez, beat patrolman of Delpan Police Community Precinct (PCP) with badge number 125658, as the one who killed Joshua Cumilang, Rex Aparri, Mario Rupillo, and Danilo Dacillo.  

Their testimonies were corroborated by at least 21 interviews in the course of a 3-month investigation by Rappler’s Patricia Evangelista and Magnum Foundation photographer Carlo Gabuco.

Twenty other residents said the alleged encounters in their area were actually summary executions, and accused the police of torture and harassment. 

Contradictions

The 10-part investigative story published on Monday, April 24, chronicled the deaths of the 4 men and showed how the reports obtained from the police contradict the testimonies of their families and other witnesses. 

Police reports idenfied Joshua Cumilang, Rex Aparri, and Mario Rupillo as drug suspects killed by policemen from the Delpan PCP during legitimate operations. Each of the 3 allegedly supposedly fought the police with a .38 revolver without a serial number. Each also reportedly had sachets of shabu.

Witnesses and family members who saw the killings, however, had a different take.

Jimmy Walker, in the part 2 of the story, narrated how 18-year-old Joshua Cumilang was dragged by armed men to a short alley outside their home before being killed by Alvarez and a companion. His mother Nenita recalled how Alvarez aimed a gun at her after he begged the men to just jail her son.

It was also Alvarez, together with 5 armed men who were not in uniform, who barged into a home and looked for Rex Aparri, accusing him of using drugs. Rowena told Rappler she was positive it was Alvarez who dragged her son Rex down from the second floor of their house – before she blacked out after being hit with a gun and kicked by an unidentified man.

As told by Rowena, it was Rex's girlfriend Lori Ann who said it was Alvarez who shot her boyfriend while she knelt in the alley – holding their 10-month-old son after one of the armed men snatched him from Rex and hurled the wailing boy at Lori Ann. 

READ THE FULL STORY: 
WHERE THE DRUG WAR BEGAN

Part 6 of the story discussed the circumstances surrounding the death of Mario Rupillo.

28-year-old Rupillo’s body was found in the hospital morgue hours after he told his friend that he was followed by cops.

Delpan PCP detainees told the Rupillo family that they saw Mario inside the precinct, adding that he was led inside, cuffed, by the man they knew as Alvarez.

They later saw Alvarez dragging Mario, who was barely able to walk with a sack over his head, outside the precinct before he was dumped at the back of a tricycle. 

One of the detainees told the Rupillo family that a woman was also in the same room where Mario was being tortured by the police. The woman, they said, was released soon after, and had bragged to them in public that Alvarez, her “protector,” was the one who killed their son Mario.  

While the 3 men – Joshua, Rex, and Mario – were killed in alleged police operations, the circumstances behind the death of 36-year-old Danilo Dacillo was different, as narrated in part 7 of the story. 

Lydia Suarez, after months of prodding her nephew to quit using drugs so he won’t get killed, sought the help of a village chief to have Danilo arrested and jailed. 

She was later called by a person who introduced himself as Alvarez and was asked if she was positive her nephew was really using drugs. 

Suarez confirmed but asked Alvarez not to kill Danilo – just jail him – because no one would take care of his ageing mother. The cop on the other line assured her he was not that sort of man, but the next morning, Suarez received bad news: her nephew was dead.

The bearer of the news was no other than the alleged killer himself: Alvarez.  

Danilo Dacillo's name, however, was not in any of the police records.

'Good policeman' on paper

The families of Joshua, Rex, Mario, and Danilo were not the only ones who identified Police Officer 3 Ronald Alvarez as the killer. He was apparently well known as multiple witnesses identified him by his official photo, made available by the MPD through a Freedom of Information request.

On the night Rex died, witnesses recalled that Alvarez aimed his gun at the sky, and fired one last shot. “If anyone asks who the vigilante of Delpan is,” he announced, “tell them it was Alvarez.”

On paper, however, Alvarez was a “good policeman” with at least 13 citations across his career, including 6 medals of commendation, a medal of merit, and two medals of efficiency for 2015. There are also no criminal or administrative marks against him; he was never suspended and neither has he been absent without leave. 

ALVAREZ. Witnesses identify PO3 Ronald Alvarez (pictured in his younger years) as the perpetrator of summary killings under the guise of police operations. Photo from the MPD

Rappler made repeated requests to interview Alvarez. Although his commanders have endorsed the invitations, he refused to talk upon the advise of his counsel.

The team also requested interviews with 7 of the Delpan PCP policemen listed in the spot reports narrating the encounters that killed Joshua Cumilang, Rex Aparri, and Mario Rupillo. Commander Arnold Ibay of PS-2 Moriones told Rappler they declined the interviews. 

Still ‘successful’

Police Chief Superintendent Joel Coronel, chief of the the Manila Police District, said that he had ordered a review of cases because of the allegations against Alvarez yet he remains on active duty as patrolman in Delpan.

“I cannot comment on [Alvarez] other than what appears in his record, because I do not know him personally. So based on the record, if I look, he’s an ideal policeman – I mean not an ideal, but he’s what, what should I say, an above-average policeman because he’s very satisfactory, based on his record.”

Coronel added that the other policemen named would have to be investigated too. “If it can be established there’s conspiracy among them, all of them, those who are involved in that operation may be held accountable for murder.”

But the MPD chief who had a tendency to break into nervous laughter said that the fatalities are no surprise as drug suspects are expected to fight back.  

“That’s really it, they will commit suicide just to hold on to the drugs they have,” he said. "I'm sure they borrowed money to get it. They know their lives are at stake and that drug traffickers will kill them. It’s no different from Mexicans and Colombians.”

He insisted, however, that his district has been successful so far in the war on drugs as the drug supply has gone down. 

“Not everyone is killed,” he said. “We have more arrests than killed." The 368 killed since July, he said, are "even less than 10%" of arrests. – Jodesz Gavilan/Rappler.com

How Duterte's drug war has affected rich users

$
0
0

MANILA, Philippines – When millennials descend upon Boracay island to party over Labor Day weekend, so will the drugs.

It’s high season for the drug dealers, who make sure they are well stocked for events like these: large gatherings of college students and yuppies, clawing to let loose and craving to party.

Sometimes they are concerts. Sometimes they are music festivals – like the Close Up Forever Summer open-air concert just about a year ago that ended with 5 concert-goers dead from drug overdose. (READ: Music, drugs, and alcohol: Do young Pinoys party to get high?)

DRUG DEALERS? The National Bureau of Investigation nabs 5 individuals suspected to have sold illegal drugs during the Closeup Forever Summer concert on May 21, 2016. Photo by Ben Nabong/Rappler

But there’s nothing quite like Laboracay, the name the millennials have given the 4-day series of beach parties, that gets the dealers excited. Not only is it far away from Manila – the focal point of the drug war – but it also spans days, this carefree, booze-fueled partying.

These dealers are different from the ones in the news. They aren’t the ones who surrender in police stations, photographed taking a pledge with their right hand up, vowing to reform their lives. They are not the ones who end up on the streets, packing tape over their mouths, corpses ogled by curious neighbors. And they don’t usually sell ice or crystal meth, better known as shabu.

They are the ones who sell only the top stuff. Cocaine, which induces a short-lived, intense high. Ecstasy, which causes a euphoric rush and affectionate behavior. And these dealers sell to those just like them – students in private universities, young professionals who earn a good living, 20- and 30-somethings from moneyed families.

“The cost of a pill depends on the season,” a dealer who has been selling drugs since 2013, told Rappler on condition of anonymity.

“During Laboracay, E (short for Ecstasy) can go for over P2,000 ($40) a piece,” he said.

Few partygoers, especially under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte, will risk smuggling drugs to the islands themselves. But they’ll be willing to buy it once they’re there. So the dangerous task lies on the dealers, who will have to find ways to get them to the island. 

“It’s too risky to bring them by plane,” he said. “So I take them via roro (roll-on-roll-off cargo ship vessels) instead. Security is light compared to airports.”

‘They’re back’ 

When Duterte officially became president in July 2016, he launched a controversial and bloody war on drugs that has seen a total of 7,080 killings as of April 23– a combination of deaths from police operations and vigilante-style or unexplained killings. The victims come mostly from poor communities, many of whom are users or dealers of shabu, known as poor man’s cocaine.

Reports about arrests or deaths of wealthier individuals are rare. 

In August, radio DJ Karen Bordador and her boyfriend Emilio Lim were arrested after a buy-bust operation that revealed P3-million ($60,000) worth of ecstasy, marijuana, and marijuana oil in the couple’s apartment. Lim was said to push drugs at high-end clubs and bars in Makati and Bonifacio Global City. (READ: Police eye charges against Karen Bordador, Emilio Lim)

ARREST. Photo shows radio DJ Karen Bordador and boyfriend Emilio Lim after they were arrested on Saturday, August 13 in a drug buy bust operation. Photos from PNP-PIO

A month later, Aurora Moynihan, an actress’ sister and the daughter of a British aristrocat, was shot dead, her body found with a placard that read, “Pusher to the celebrities. You are next,” in Filipino. She was out on bail for drug-related charges.

Her death sent shockwaves among the rich, who previously felt untouchable.

“We lay low when he started killing people,” said the source, who sells cocaine, ecstasy, valium and marijuana.

“I changed my cellphone numbers. I didn’t sell for a month or two,” he said. “But people were still asking.”

He said a few dealers he knew did stop selling when the drug war started, with some Filipino American dealers even returning to the United States. But he said the effect wore off soon enough. Most dealers kept a low profile for a short time, then started selling again – although like him, more carefully.

“Everyone laid low. But a month or two after, all the tablets and capsules were back out. It became especially lax when the drug war stopped,” he said, referring to the temporary suspension of the drug war last January.

The suspension was triggered by the death of a Korean businessman, brutally murdered by corrupt policemen who used anti-drug operations as cover to extort from the victim. The incident was an embarrassment to Duterte, and prompted the Philippine National Police (PNP) to focus on what it called “internal cleansing,” before it resumed the drug war. 

By March, the PNP’s drug-related operations had restarted. 

“I hid my pills for safety in case there were raids," he said. “But now they’re back.” 

High prices

The strongest impact of Duterte’s drug war has been increased prices. 

The dealer, who only sells drugs on the side, said he used to earn about P5,000-P7,000 ($100-$140) a week when he first started selling 4 years ago. Today, because of the network he has formed and the price increase, he earns about P15,000-P20,000 ($301-$401) every 3 days.

The source also said that obtaining the drugs to sell has become more difficult under Duterte, so when dealers are able to get drugs, they are able to mark up prices.

“It became more expensive but the demand was still there,” he said. “The prices are higher also because less people are selling.”

An ecstasy pill for instance, used to cost about P1,200, but the dealer said he can now sell it upward of P2,000 ($40). The Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA)'s data supports his claims, reporting that the minimum price of ecstasy was P1,000 ($20) a piece in 2015, but shot up to at least P1,200 ($24) after Duterte became president. 

Cocaine, he said, was P1,500 ($30) a gram before Duterte, and now ranges from P3,500-P5,000 ($70-$100) a gram. According to PDEA data, it was at least P3,600 ($72) a gram in 2015, but now goes for a minimum of P5,000 ($100). 

PARTY DRUGS. Cocaine and ecstasy are the drugs of choice of the wealthy, both of which are stimulants. Photo from Rappler

“Other people aren't even sure if it’s legit coke or vitamin B along with coke just for it to become a gram,” he said.

Even valiums, which the dealer said he buys for P250 ($5) per pad, can be sold for P50 ($1) a piece. There are 10 pieces per pad, which means up to a 100% profit. Valium, a sedative, is popular among students and young professionals, who mix it with alcohol to increase its calming effect.

Stocking up on coke

Drug users from the middle- to upper-class whom Rappler spoke to, corroborated the prices and the information the dealer disclosed.

They also agreed that the frequency of their drug use did not decrease, although what has changed is where and how they use it.

If users previously took blow in bathrooms of clubs for instance, they now take it at home instead, or in cars, before stepping out. They’ll take it at private parties or weddings, or exclusive events, rather than bars or public places. They are also likely to take it on trips outside Manila, where drug operations are far less common.

Across the board, all felt that the focus of the drug war has been on the poor. They agreed that while users in their circles are more cautious about buying, when drugs are there and available, users will still take it. 

“The cheapest good quality cocaine is now P5,000 ($100) a gram,” a 12-year, hard-drug user in the late 20s, told Rappler.

“It’s still easy to get, but it’s unlike before when everyone had it and it was everywhere,” the source said, adding that even their usual dealers now find blow harder to obtain.

“Honestly, even now, I get scared to buy because I could be in the wrong place at the wrong time, and get caught when they’re raiding the dealer.”

ECSTASY. Ecstasy tablets come in many forms, including a blue Cookie Monster shape. Photo by Rob Reyes/Rappler

The source added that they feel the focus of the police has been on ecstasy and shabu, rather than cocaine, and when asked why they thought that was the case, the user said “because when you use blow, you’re still aware of what you’re doing.” 

Another long-time drug user whose choice of drugs is also cocaine, said “Duterte made a difference,” but like the dealer Rappler spoke to, said the effect was felt only for a short time.

“It was really hard to get when he started. Especially when the killings were happening. Now it’s easier,” said the source. 

“But the prices [of cocaine] went up. It goes up to P5,000-P7,000 ($100-$140). Before it was only P3,000-P5,000 ($60-$100). Before Duterte, you could get it every day. Now people are more careful. They hide it more and they no longer go all together at the same time to the bathroom.”

The user also agreed that even the dealers they buy from “are more careful now” and no longer “just sell to anyone like before.”

Still another user, a young professional who regularly uses marijuana and cocaine, said the drug war made it harder to get drugs but it did little to discourage their use.

“It was a hassle to get coke before, so I had to stock up. Instead of getting one bag, I’d order two,” the source said. 

“People in my circle are more careful, but usage is the same. And dealers of cocaine are still dealers.”

Focused on shabu

The PNP insists it does not discriminate in the drug war, and said it goes after cocaine, ecstasy, and other drugs as much as it does shabu. Like shabu, cocaine and ecstasy are stimulants, addictive, and over time, can cause irreversible damage to the brain. 

"We're focused on all types of illegal drugs," PNP Spokesperson Dionardo Carlos told Rappler on Wednesday, April 26.

"But the number one drug of choice is shabu, that's why our arrests are really mostly shabu users."

Data from the 2015 PDEA annual report says that shabu is indeed the most abused drug with 95.47% of users consuming it, followed by marijuana at 4.29%, and other drugs like cocaine, ecstasy, and others at 0.24%. The data is based mostly on its drug-related arrests, PDEA said.

But while shabu is the choice of the poor, PDEA numbers could be skewed if they are based on arrests because the traditionally rich users of cocaine or ecstasy often evade arrest.

PDEA Director General Isidro S. Lapeña said that the rise is an obvious gain in Duterte’s war on drugs, given that the price structure is directly affected by availability and demand. The rise in prices of the drugs also hints at what the focus of the police is.

“When the market price of illegal drugs rises, it is generally assessed that there is a scarcity in supply available in the market and vice-versa,” Lapeña explained. “That is an indication that the present government is winning the war against the drug menace.”

While the prices of all drugs have indeed risen, shabu's rise is significantly more than the rest. The latest data also indicates that ecstasy is now cheaper than cocaine, and that the maximum price for shabu is now higher than ecstasy and cocaine.

 

Shabu's price range has risen from P1,200-P15,000 ($24-$301) per gram in the first half of 2015, to P1,300-P25,000 ($26-$502) by October 2016.

While the prices of cocaine and ecstasy have gone up slightly, the maximum costs of P7,000 ($140) per gram for cocaine, and P3,000 ($60) per tablet of ecstasy have stayed the same, suggesting the supply has remained relatively unchanged.

Rappler's dealer source said that while it has become slightly harder to obtain drugs, dealers have found more creative means to acquire them.

“I got into the black market. I got it a lot cheaper,” said the dealer. “I had a source who got it directly from Vietnam, the US, Taiwan, and New Zealand. There was one time people would make it in Bacolod. But now, I get it from the black market.”

He added, “My source taught me how to order from the internet so I get it safe to my place. And directly.”

PDEA's 2016 data confirms the dealer's statements, stating mail and parcel services is one illegal way drug enters the country. It also acknowledged that the Philippine long coastline and numerous islands increases the country's vulnerability to drug smuggling. The roro to Boracay island for example, has 3 ports: Batangas, Mindoro, and Caticlan.

‘Money speaks’

Just last month, in March, the dealer had a close call when someone he said he did not know dropped his name to the cops, and tagged him as a drug pusher.

A bar he frequented was under surveillance, he said, but he found out beforehand and made sure to keep his pills at home.

“They’re saying they’ll kill every drug dealer or put them in rehab but they’re focusing more on the poor. Because people who are rich could always pay for bail,” he said. “Money speaks, I guess. Corruption is still here.”

KILLED. Photo shows Aurora Moynihan (right) with sister, actress Maritoni Fernandez. Screengrab from Facebook/Au Maria Fernandez Moynihan

The dealer said he has heard of at least two other dealers in their 20s who were raided and who were killed by police in their apartments in BGC, news of which never made it to media, perhaps because the police were paid to stay silent, he said.

He said most of the dealers and kingpins he knows “reside in the south, or Makati, and the BGC area,” all of which remain largely untouched in the drug war. He also said that for the rich, dealers get caught mostly because someone squeals.

"When it comes to the middle class, it's because someone drops their name," he said.

One of the drug users we spoke to, who shares a close relationship with their dealer, said “the sources and dealers, some of them have connections to the police so they know if they’re on the list.”

With some cash, connections and some favors, dealers of the wealthy stay largely protected, resources the poor do not have access to.

“If the police will take action, I can always use money,” the dealer said.

He currently has 250 pills of ecstasy under his possession, and is set for pay day over the Labor Day weekend. – Rappler.com


Manila police chief offers 'free' jail accommodation to media, CHR

$
0
0

THE BOSS. Chief Superintendent Joel Coronel faces yet another controversy in the Manila Police District. File photo by Carlo Gabuco

Talk about a case of the wrong joke at the worst possible time.

Amid outcry over a cramped, unventilated, and hidden detention facility inside a police station in Tondo, Manila, the director of the Manila Police District (MPD) chose to crack a joke during a press conference on Friday, April 28.

Ang media, we're giving you one night free accommodation sa jail para malaman ninyo at ma-feel ninyo kung gaano po, para ma report niyo rin. You are given one night free accommodation. Ang CHR, we'll give them the executive suite. Para malaman lang. Ang hirap talaga ng kalagayan nila,” said a chuckling Coronel, who was appointed MPD chief in July 2016.

(To the media, we’re giving you one night free accommodation in jail so you know what it’s like, so you can report on it too. You are given one night free accommodation. For the Commission on Human Rights, we’ll give them the executive suite. Just so you know. The situation is really tough.)

Coronel had just inspected the MPD Station 1 in Tondo, Manila, alongside his boss, National Capital Region Police Office (NCRPO) chief Director Oscar Albayalde.

The press conference was supposed to be over when Coronel cracked the joke. The doorstop interview went on for 10 more minutes after the one-star police general cracked the joke. 

Hours earlier, a Commission on Human Rights (CHR) team made a surprise visit to the police station and discovered 12 or so drug suspects detained inside a narrow alleyway that served as their “temporary” detention facility. The entrance to the passage was covered by a bookshelf.

Station commander Superintendent Robert Domingo, insists everything was above board and that the suspects were arrested during “one time, big time” operations ahead of the ASEAN Summit. He has since been relieved, alongside the Drug Enforcement Unit of the station, as they face a police probe.

Prior to and even after cracking the joke, both Coronel and Albayalde harped on the long-standing problem of overcrowded detention facilities not just in the MPD or NCRPO, but in almost every police station in the country.

Albayalde said he “welcomed” the CHR visit, since it puts a spotlight on the sorry condition of jails nationwide.

That is a welcome development for all of us, for everybody para makita kung ano ang sitwasyon talaga ng mga nakakulong. Hindi lang po dito sa Metro Manila yan. Siguro baka buong Pilipinas yan dahil during the time na nagstart tayo ng war on drugs talagang napuno nang napuno yung ating mga detention cells, lalong lalo na dito sa Metro Manila dahil napakarami na nating mga arestado na involved sa illegal drugs dito,” he said.

(That is a welcome development for all of us, for everybody so we see the situation of those who are jailed. It’s not just in Metro Manila. Maybe in the entire country because since we started the war on drugs, the detention cells have been full, especially in Metro Manila, where there have been so many arrested because of their involvement in illegal drugs.)

Coronel said most MPD jails – detention facilities inside police stations – are “overcrowded by almost 50 to 60%.”

He said the hidden detention facility behind the bookcase was “an initiative” by Domingo given the situation.– Rappler.com

Is it time for a national minimum wage?

$
0
0

NATIONAL MINIMUM WAGE. Gabriela and the Kilusan ng Manggagawang Kababaihan hold a pre-Labor Day protest on April 28, 2017, while the ASEAN Summit is ongoing in the Philippines. Photo by Rob Reyes/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – Setting a standardized minimum wage for the entire country has been the clamor of labor unions for years. 

They found a champion in President Rodrigo Duterte as he appeared keen on having a national minimum wage, instead of the current regional setup, to spread wealth and development in the Philippines.

Based on Republic Act (RA) 6727 or the Wage Rationalization Act, each region in the Philippines has a unique minimum wage set by the Regional Tripartite Wages and Productivity Boards (RTWPBs) based on the poverty threshold, employment rate, and cost of living specific to the region.

Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) Secretary Silvestre Bello III said in September last year that the President wants equal pay for workers in Metro Manila and in the provinces. 

He noted then that this could help decongest the country's overpopulated capital, which is often the top choice of workers due to higher wages.

Labor groups strongly support this pronouncement, arguing that there is a significant disparity in wages across regions while the difference in the cost of living is minimal.

How has the government acted on the promise of instituting a national minimum wage? Would it be feasible for a country still eyeing job generation through investments?

Issues and proposals

Union leaders have criticized RTWPBs for being unresponsive to the increasing needs of their sector. They stressed that the current minimum wage is not sufficient for both food and non-food needs of families.

The Philippine Statistics Authority said a family of 5 needs at least P9,064 monthly or around P390 daily to meet their needs. Independent think tank IBON Foundation, meanwhile, pegged the living wage at P1,019 per day.

Nagkaisa labor coalition spokesperson Allan Tanjusay said RTWPBs have not been very proactive in adjusting the wage levels to inflation, or the increase in the price of goods and services.

"It should be an automatic response from the [RTWPBs] to adjust the salaries, whether or not there is a petition from the laborers. Even though it has just been a year since the last wage increase, they should be quick to implement the adjustment. But what is happening now is that we still need to file a petition and talk to the President himself to effect changes," said Tanjusay in Filipino.

Nagkaisa is currently seeking a P157 wage hike in Metro Manila and a P500 government subsidy for minimum wage earners, along with the campaign for a national minimum wage.  

Meanwhile, leftist group Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) is pushing for the institutionalization of a P750 daily minimum wage for private sector workers and P16,000 monthly for government employees.

KMU chairperson Roger Solita said the regional setup prevents workers from establishing a strong front on wage setting, given not all regions have labor unions to petition for higher wages.

"Dahil sa Wage Rationalization Act na ito, nagkakanya-kanya ang mga manggagawa kasi magkakaiba ang wage level nila. Walang isang unified position," he explained. 

(Because of the Wage Rationalization Act, workers aren't united because they have different levels of wages. There is no unified position.)

Minimum wage for provinces with costs of living close to Metro Manila also have a lower wage rate because the factors are considered regionally. 

For instance, the P454-P491 minimum wage in Metro Manila is much higher compared to the P285-P378 minimum wage in Southern Tagalog, where provinces such as Cavite and Laguna – considered part of the Greater Manila Area – are located. 

Because these urbanized provinces are clustered with more rural provinces like Quezon and Batangas, their wages are dependent on the average labor conditions in the region. 

Government's commitment

Amending the structure of wage setting in the country is within the powers of Congress, since it involves a review of RA 6727.

To date, no bill has been filed in the Senate or in the House of Representatives proposing a national minimum wage.

But during the labor sector's dialogue with Duterte last February 27, the President committed to start reviewing an alternative wage-setting mechanism.

Undersecretary Bernard Olalia of the DOLE Human Capital Development and Regional Operations cluster said the department has yet to create a proposal following Duterte's pronouncement.

"I think the President will address that particular issue. The recommendation of our department is to create a committee composed of all social stakeholders and government agencies to review the existing law and study a proposal for a national minimum wage," he told Rappler in an interview.

INFORMAL WORK. A worker carries a bale of collected recyclable materials at a junk shop near a former dumpsite in Manila. File photo by Ted Aljibe/AFP

Negative effects?

But Olalia said this proposal, which effectively raises the minimum wage in the provinces, may hurt the entry of investors there.

"Industries tend to go where there is cheaper labor. If there is a standard minimum wage in the entire Philippines [investors] won't be able to choose where to go. But if the minimum wage is less in, for example, [Southern Tagalog], and down south in Mindanao, industries would go there," he explained in Filipino.  

"In a way, if you distribute it in the entire Philippines, there will be job generation in every region. That's the main advantage of the regional wage setting," he added.

This scheme also protects micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), which comprise 99.5% of business enterprises. Data from the Department of Trade and Industry show that 896,839 of 900,914 registered businesses are MSMEs.

Former National Wages and Productivity Commission (NWPC) head Ciriaco Lagunzad III said higher wages would push MSMEs to go underground.

"If they cannot afford it, they will first hide so they will not be inspected. Then they become informal. Once they are informal, we cannot protect [the workers]," explained Lagunzad, who is now serving as Bello's undersecretary for social protection.

"The labor market is composed of the demanders and suppliers of labor. Demanders will pay those wages. If they cannot create value more than the wage, then there's no business to talk about," he added.

For Olalia, the middle ground would involve strengthening profit-sharing schemes in order to provide additional pay to workers based on their performance, something the NWPC is also implementing.

The proposal for a national minimum wage is among the topics expected in Duterte's second dialogue with the sector in Davao City on May 1, International Labor Day. 

While DOLE said it will be difficult to implement proposals related to wages, Duterte supposedly has a "surprise" in store that would provide additional benefits.

Will this "Labor Day gift" appease workers? Or will it just bring more disappointment? (READ: Labor groups: Draft order vs contractualization betrays dialogue with Duterte– Rappler.com 

Avoid these 4 EDSA Southbound chokepoints

$
0
0

We are reposting with permission this blog post by data science company Thinking Machines.

MANILA, Philippines – Imagine you're the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA), and you're facing a gargantuan challenge of fixing traffic congestion in Metro Manila. What's the smartest, most efficient way to use your limited resources and manpower to make the biggest impact?

This is exactly what the MMDA is currently trying to use data to figure out. Since October 2016, our team has been working with  the MMDA to use Waze data to better understand and address Metro Manila's transport woes.

Before hooking up with Waze, the MMDA could only measure traffic by manually counting vehicles on the road, eyeballing CCTV videos, or literally sitting in traffic on EDSA to measure travel time. With Waze, the MMDA now has access to millions of crowdsourced, real-time data points collected from almost every nook and cranny of Manila's roads.

MMDA traffic experts can use this data to craft policies that can help alleviate traffic at crucial choke points. They can also evaluate the impact of policies by checking pre- and post-travel speed data on the roads where these policies are implemented. Hooray for A/B testing in real life!

Look at the red swerving car! GIF from CGP Grey video, 'The Simple Solution to Traffic', on YouTube

The potential of using Waze data to push data-driven traffic policies is immense, and we're deeply excited and honored to be helping our government push for this vision! In this blog post, we're going to demonstrate how Waze data can be used to identify traffic choke points on a single road for a single direction.

But, take this analysis with a grain of salt – when it comes to solving real world problems, data analysis is just the beginning. It's ultimately up to organizations like the MMDA to combine data-driven analysis with on-the-ground verification and problem-solving action.

For this demo analysis, we'll focus on EDSA Southbound, a corridor that almost everyone in Metro Manila uses. We're using average speeds gathered from Waze roughly every 5 minutes between March 11 to April 3, 2017. [See our data source section below for details and limitations.]

Map of EDSA southbound. All charts and images courtesy of Thinking Machines

Wait, what's a choke point?

Have you ever been stuck in snail-pace traffic for hours, only to find out that a single stalled car on the road was to blame for your wasted time? That's a choke point – a bit of the road where the travel speed slows way down before gradually speeding up again.

While some choke points are temporary, others are chronic. These might be caused by badly-paved roads, an open manhole, a misplaced traffic sign, or other persistent obstructions.

To identify parts of EDSA Southbound that consistently demonstrate this behavior, we used the following logic:

1. Plot the speeds over the road segments, relative to their road length. (For the examples below, we used the cumulative road length as the x-axis and speed for the y-axis.)

2. Visually, look for the points along the road where there is a consistent drastic drop in speed. Usually, this is followed by gradually speed recovery (i.e., gradual increase in speed) over time.

Let's use the chart below to help us spot patterns. Imagine that each red line represents travel speeds across EDSA Southbound during a single 5-minute snapshot in time. The higher the line, the faster the speed at that particular moment and section of EDSA. Over several weeks, you'll end up with hundreds of these lines layered on top of one another. Choke points are spots where the red lines consistently dip:

It makes more sense to chunk together speeds recorded during similar times of day and days of week, so we cut the data into 3 peak windows: morning peak (7-9 am), off peak (12-2 pm), and afternoon peak (4-7 pm). Given these parameters, we can still spot 4 consistent choke points on EDSA that you're likely to encounter at almost any time of day:

What could be causing traffic to build up in these areas? While the MMDA is currently investigating these spots, we can use the power of Google Maps to remotely check the selected areas. Let's go through each one.

Potential chokepoint 1: Area near Balintawak LRT1

The first chokepoint is an area near Balintawak bus terminal and Balintawak LRT 1. Looking at Google Maps images, we can guess some possible causes of traffic in this area. First, there's a bunch of parked cars and tricycles occupying a third of the road!

The area is also near the Balintawak Bus Terminal and the LRT station – both of which have a lot of pedestrians departing or in line, which also occupies a third of the road.

Potential chokepoint 2: U-turn slot before Kaingin Road

From this Google Maps image, we can see some traffic building up along the U-turn slot that's occupying two lanes.

Potential chokepoint 3: EDSA-Aurora Blvd intersection (Cubao area)

This is the slowest choke point and perhaps the most infamous. The dip for this chokepoint is more pronounced for the AM peak, which isn't surprising since it's the intersection of two major roads which are traversed by a lot of cars.

This is a major commuting node for Metro Manila, which attracts crowds of commuters, jeepneys, PUVs, and buses especially for the weekday rush hours. Even at night, this intersection still experiences moderate traffic caused by parked PUVs (see left photo below) and lines of pedestrians (see right photo below) who have nowhere else to flag down vehicles and sometimes spill over onto the street.

For a bird's eye view of this intersection, see below for a map with annotations of other possible causes of traffic in this area.

Potential chokepoint 4: EDSA to Aurora Blvd S Flyover (near Taft Ave)

Another intersection for two major roads, but not as bad as the first one. Could cars swerving left to take the flyover be the reason for slowdowns here?

When analyzing data, it's always smart to corroborate your results with information you already know. So how does this data match up with the MMDA's on-the-ground knowledge? Pretty well!

These choke points were among 6 EDSA problem areas that the MMDA already identified back in 2015. This gives us more confidence to use the same method to find choke points on streets where the MMDA might not have eyes and ears.

{source}

<iframe src="https://www.google.com/maps/d/embed?mid=1f5mbjyX2QfCQMyX-uJjxPU-KdA4" width="640" height="480"></iframe>

{/source}

Did you notice anything interesting in the charts that we didn't see, or have you experienced any choke points aside from the 4 potential leads we listed? Feel free to send us an FB message or a tweet to share your traffic chokepoint experiences along EDSA!

Data source details and limitations

Our data source is the Waze Traffic View, a special web portal that media organizations and government agencies in the Waze Connected Citizens Program can use to monitor traffic updates and average speeds on select roads in their respective cities. Traffic view provides real-time travel speed data on user-defined monitored roads every 5 minutes.

The portal also divides each monitored road into segments (based on its traffic congestion level) and provides real-time travel speed data for each segment. However, the road segmentation is not consistently done by Waze Traffic View. To compensate for the lack of consistency, we connected the available segment-level speed data with lines, which implicitly does linear interpolation for data gaps.

One caveat regarding the precision of Waze Traffic View data: road segment length (in km) is stored up to two decimal places, so rounding errors may affect the precision of plotted points in the charts above. After removing outliers due to data collection quirks, total road length (in km) for EDSA Southbound varies from 34.25 to 34.45. (Total road length is computed by getting the sum of all road segments as collected by Traffic View.)

Because these plots use data from March 11 to April 3, 2017 only, so these are not representative of the general patterns of EDSA Southbound across all months. The analysis also doesn't consider the influence of external events such as the light truck regulation along EDSA which started last March 15, or changes in traffic caused by the rainy season or school start/end dates.

Ideally, we'd advise the MMDA and Department of Transportation to capture more of this data over a longer window of time and merge it with other transit data sources, such as the World Bank's OpenTraffic Initiative. – Rappler.com

If you want to learn how to tell data stories the Thinking Machines way, it is holding a workshop on May 3, 2017. So hurry up and register before slots run out!

Anger, helplessness drive kin of drug war victims to name 'killer' cop

$
0
0

KILLED. Rowena Aparri's mother is positive that PO3 Ronald Alvarez killed his son Rex. All photos by Carlo Gabuco

 

MANILA, Philippines – Anger and helplessness have driven families to identify a policeman who allegedly killed several drug suspects in areas under the jurisdiction of Police Station 2-Moriones in Tondo, Manila.

An investigative story of Rappler’s Patricia Evangelista and Magnum Foundation photographer Carlo Gabuco named witnesses who tagged Police Officer 3 Ronald Alvarez, beat patroller at the Delpan Police Community Precinct, as behind at least 4 drug-related deaths in the area.

"Hindi naman lahat ng kinausap namin ay gusto maglabas eh at depende sa pamilya. Kasi nakailang balik kami sa pamilya, kailangan namin ipaliwanag na ilalabas namin ito, handa ba kayo? Sigurado ba kayo?" Evangelista told Rappler investigative desk head Chay Hofileña on Thursday, April 27. 

(Not all we talked to wanted to be identified. We went back and forth with the families who agreed to be included, explaining that we were going to release this story and we kept on asking if they were ready and if they were sure.)

"Ang sagot nila: 'Kinausap kami ng mga kapitbahay, sabi papatayin kami eh pero para sa anak ko ito. Ito lang magagawa ko.' Or galit talaga sila, gusto nila magkuwento," she added, recalling what the families told them.

(Their response: "Our neighbors warned that we'll be killed but this is for my child. This is the only thing I can do." Or they’re just really angry, they want to tell all.)

Alvarez, whose name constantly popped up in the narratives of the families, is alleged to be behind summary executions under the guise of legitimate police operations. He refused a request to be interviewed for his side of the story. (READ: Witnesses name Manila policeman behind drug-related summary killings)

Evangelista and Gabuco said they were worried about the people who decided to speak up.  

"I think that’s what we lived with every night, na baka balikan sila, baka patayin sila, baka may isang tawag sa amin na dahil pumunta kami doon, may mangyari sa kanila (that there might be retaliation, they might be killed, that one day we'd receive a call saying that something happened to them)," Evangelista said. "I think that’s what we’re still thinking about."

No affidavit, no investigation

The Manila Police District (MPD) promised an investigation into the families' allegations, but the families themselves need to execute affidavits stating the circumstances surrounding the death of their kin. 

The interviews collated could not be used to file charges against Alvarez, the Homicide Division told Evangelista and her team.  

"Ang kaso po kasi, kung kami ang pumunta, mag-interview sa pamilya, at makuha ang loob nila, sasabihin nila, and according to the detectives, hindi puwede ganoon sa kanila," Evangelista recalled policemen telling her.

(If we journalists were the ones who interviewed the families, and we secured their confidence, and they told us everything, according to the detectives, this can't be enough [for an investigation].)

"According sa kanila, ang mga pamilya mismo, hindi lang puwede magkuwento, kailangan nila pumunta sa MPD, doon sila magsasign ng affidavit at doon sila magsasampa ng kaso kung magsasampa man sila o magsasabi na willing sila."

(According to them, it should be the families themselves who should go to the MPD, and sign an affidavit, and file charges, or say they're willing to file charges.)

This "requirement" poses a challenge to families who already live in fear.

"Para sa mga pamilya, pulis ang pumatay," Evangelista explained. "Hindi raw puwede na may pumuntang abogado sa bahay at doon pipirma. Kailangan pumunta sa Homicide. Haharap sila. And kung ganoon ang sitwasyon, naiintidihan ko ang mga pamilya na takot na takot sila."

(The families believe that a policeman killed [their family member]. Lawyers can't just go to their homes and ask them to sign a sworn statement. They have to go to Homicide. They have to face them. And if that's the situation, I understand why these families are so afraid.)

READ THE FULL STORY: 
WHERE THE DRUG WAR BEGAN

The team hopes that if the PNP will not investigate the case of Alvarez on its own, other institutions will, for the sake of the families who mustered the courage to speak up.

"Sana may mangyari at sana kung mapatunayan man na nagkasala, sana maparasuhan,” Gabuco said. "Sana maprotektahan iyong mga pamilya at iba pa na nakatira doon. Alam nila na wala silang laban eh."

(I hope something comes out of it, and if it’s proven that he did something wrong, I hope he’ll be punished. I also hope the families would be protected, and all the others who live in the area. They know they're defenseless.) 

Evangelista said:  "Iba naman kapag sinabi mo na willing ako, iba kapag kaharap mo na ang istorya. Tumawag sa akin ang isang pamilya kahapon, nalaman nila na lumabas na ang istorya. Winarn namin sila kung kailan lalabas pero noong nakita ng mga kapitbahay, napag-usapan na, natakot sila."

(It’s different when you say you’re willing and when you finally see the story published. One family called me yesterday after learning that the story had been published. We informed them of the date of publication but when their neighbors saw the story, it was talked about, and they got scared.) 

"Gusto nila umalis, pero nandoon ang mga trabaho, so aalis ba sila? Kanino sila pupunta? May mga grupo na tumutulong pero hindi nila alam kung willing silang iwan ang mga buhay nila," she added.

(They want to go away but how can they, when their livelihood is there? Who will they turn to? There are groups who are helping but they don't know if they're willing to leave their lives behind.) 

Duty to report

There was no shortage of challenges over the course of the 3-month investigation which included collecting spot reports, talking to police, and most importantly, being welcomed into the homes of the victims' families.

Evangelista, Gabuco, and their team set aside their concern for personal safety to complete their report.

"Ang hirap na nasa bahay ka lang at nakikita mo ang nangyayari and para sa akin, form ito ng recording of what’s happening," Gabuco said. "Takot ako madalas kasi papasukin namin iyong mga lugar na ito. Pero ako, mas privileged pa kumpara sa kanila kaya sinasabi ko sa sarili ko wala akong karapatang matakot."

(It’s  difficult to just stay at home, and then you see what’s happening. For me, this is a form of recording of what’s happening. I'm often scared because we have to go to these places. But I’m more privileged than those who are there so I just tell myself that I don't have the right to be scared.) 

For Evangelista, it would be a disservice to not see through the story given the narratives, the documents, and the evidence that they gathered and dug up on what was really happening in the community. 

"For us, wala kaming karapatang hindi gawin kasi nakausap na namin ang pamilya and it must have taken a lot of courage to say what they said and do what they did,” she said. “Sa amin kasi, hindi kami taga-doon. Nakakaalis kami. May ahensya kami. Aalagaan kami ng Rappler at kung sino man, puwede kami magsumbong. Sila hindi."

(Foe us, we have no right not do the story because we already talked to the families and it must have taken a lot of courage to say what they said and do what they did. We don't live there and we can leave that place. We have an agency that could take care of us, as well as others, which we can raise our concerns to. They don't.)

"If it's the least we can do, it's to serve the story right." – Rappler.com

Duterte jokes about canceling November ASEAN summit

$
0
0

TALKATIVE PRESIDENT. President Duterte only agrees to end his press briefing after being told gala dinner guests can't eat until he arrives. Photo by Angie de Silva/Rappler

After a long day hosting various activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit, President Rodrigo Duterte joked that he prefers to cancel another ASEAN summit to be held in the country  in November.

"Anak ka ng – kung ganito lang naman ang mga summit, kanselado na ‘yung sa November (Son of a – if this is what summits are about, the November one is canceled)," he joked in front of Philippine and foreign media on Saturday night, April 29.

These were his first words at a press conference he was giving to report on accomplishments of the 30th ASEAN Summit and Related Meetings hosted by the Philippines as ASEAN chair this year.

Duterte, not particularly fond of formal where protocol has to be observed, complained that international summits are "all the same."

"Totoo. Pareho naman. Wala naman nagbago. Totoo. Puwede na siguro. We can do away ‘yung sa November," he said, to the amusement of the over 100 journalists in the room.

(It's true. All the same. Nothing changes. It's true. I think it will be okay. We can do away with the one in November.)

He joked that someone from the Department of Foreign Affairs, which takes the lead in organizing these gatherings, wanted him to stop hosting summits.

"Iyong Foreign Affairs, si, sa… 'Sir, huwag ka na mag-summit-summit dito,'" said the Philippine President.

(Someone from Foreign Affairs said, 'Sir, let's not hold summits here.)

The 30th ASEAN Summit is the first international summit hosted by the Philippines under the Duterte presidency.

In previous international gatherings, the Philippine president raised some eyebrows by missing events with other country leaders.

The Philippines will host the 31st ASEAN Summit and Related Summits in November, this time in Clark Freeport in Pampanga. Aside from the 10 ASEAN leaders, leaders from ASEAN's dialogue partners are expected to attend the November meeting, among them, US President Donald Trump.

 Shooting the breeze with media

Duterte seemed to relish the press conference as an opportunity to talk casually, after a whole day of being bound by rules and time limits.

He also joked that the ASEAN chairman's statement, a document awaited by media, would be released "probably next year" or "when there is a Korean war."

Confessing he likes to talk "more than he likes to eat," Duterte said he preferred to be late for the gala dinner with other ASEAN leaders than to cut the press conference short.

"Dinner is at 8:45 [pm] I’ll give you til 1 o'clock," said Duterte, eliciting laughter from journalists.

The President is known to give hours-long press conferences, some beginning late at night till the wee hours of the morning.

He even invited the journalists to join the dinner, though the organizing committee limited coverage to only photographers, and only for the first part of the event, as had been done in past ASEAN gala dinners.

Calling his aide, Special Assistant to the President Bong Go, Duterte said, "Putangina Bong, paano sila (Son of a bitch, Bong, how about them)? You are invited, we can add tables and chairs there."

After taking a few questions, however, Palace staff approached him to say the ASEAN leaders and other gala dinner guests could not eat until he arrived.

Duterte then ended the press conference, but not before suggesting a photo opportunity with journalists, remembering how women liked to take selfies with him.

"I am not trying to be a show off but in every conference, women like to take their pictures with me," he said.

Even foreign journalists admitted they found Duterte amusing during the press conference.

The other media that stayed behind at the International Media Center were also laughing as they watched Duterte shoot the breeze with journalists live.

A Chinese journalist said she was "surprised" that Duterte was so "vibrant" and "friendly" with journalists. 

His easy banter, she said, was in stark contrast to the "stiff" politicians she covers in Beijing. – Rappler.com

Viewing all 8806 articles
Browse latest View live