Claim: President Rodrigo Duterte “worked hard” to acquire 5 amphibious tanks from Japan.

The claim was posted by Facebook pages “Talk of the Town PH,” “Duterte sa Masa,” and “D Provincial Pal’s;” and in Facebook groups “Tulfo Brothers Worldwide” and “PRESIDENT RODY DUTERTE -FEDERAL MOVEMENT INTERNATIONAL.”

Most of the posts have already been taken down. Those still online, the one posted in the Tulfo page for example, garnered at least 1,900 reactions, 201 comments, and 2,700 shares as of October 8. 

Readers also alerted us to this claim. 

Rating: FALSE

The facts: The Japanese tanks are in the Philippines for joint military exercises between the United States and the Philippines.

KAMANDAG 2018 (Kaagapay Ng Mga Mandirigma Ng Dagat or Cooperation of Warriors of the Sea) is a 10-day “exercise between the Republic of the Philippines and the United States which also features participation from Japan.” The activity held its opening ceremony on October 1 at the Subic Bay International Airport.

Navy spokesman Commander Jonathan Zata confirmed to Rappler that the KAMANDAG 2018 is ongoing. "All forces have respective personnel and equipment that will showcase cooperation and collaboration not only strengthening relationships but also validating tactics, techniques and procedures."

When asked regarding the ownership of the tanks, Zata said that the press releases on KAMANDAG 2018 show that it is "clear as day."

In an image gallery posted by Defense Visual Information Distribution Service (DVIDS) on October 3, Japan Ground Self-Defense Force soldiers (JGSDF) are seen manning one of the amphibious tanks as they are onboard the USS Ashland at Subic Bay. The US Marine Corps, Philippine Navy, and JGSDF are “conducting an amphibious joint-training exercise,” according to the post. DVIDS provides news regarding the US military and is owned by the Defense Media Activity.

According to a September 27 DWDD Katropa Radio post, “amphibious landing crafts” of the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) were parked at the Subic Bay Freeport Zone for KAMANDAG 2018. DWDD is the AM radio station operated by the Media and Civil Affairs Group of Civil Relations Service Armed Forces of the Philippines.

An October 6 Business Insiderreport on the joint exercises mentioned that Japanese troops "brought armored vehicles with them, marking the first time Japanese armor has landed on foreign soil since World War II."

Facebook page MaxDefense also posted on September 29 that the “AAV7A1 amphibious assault vehicles” are just in the country for KAMANDAG 2018. It also said the vehicles were “only bought recently by Japan to equip their newly formed Amphibious Rapid Deployment Brigade.” The page’s administrator is Max Montero who, according to the page’s profile, is a former junior officer in the Philippine Navy.

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—Miguel Imperial/Rappler.com

If you suspect a Facebook page, group, account, a website, or an article is spreading false information, let Rappler know by contacting us at factcheck@rappler.com. Let us battle disinformation one Fact Check at a time.

After more than two years and an estimated 23,518 deaths under investigation, Rappler tells the story of the drug war from the eyes of the killers.

In early 2017, the Philippine National Police arrested members of a vigilante gang suspected of preying on drug suspects and criminals in Tondo, Manila's most densely populated and largest slum area. The group was a local chapter of the Confederate Sentinels Group (CSG). More than two years after the arrests, most of the men implicated remain free.

Rappler’s 6-month investigation shows strong indications the police were outsourcing extrajudicial killings to the same vigilante gang they accused of murder. According to individuals with knowledge of CSG Tondo Chapter 2’s activities, officials of the PNP coordinated with vigilantes, took credit for murders, and on occasion paid for assassinations in the name of the war against drugs.

This fourth of seven stories, published in installments during the course of this week, includes on-the-record testimony from community members as well as two of CSG’s self-confessed vigilantes. At their request, Rappler has changed or withheld their names for their own safety. Angel and Simon are not their real names. 

“Recently," said the man looking into the lens, "I, with the members of CSG, endorsed the candidacy for president of Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, because we know that he is the only leader with courage and compassion.”

The man in the video posted is Alvin Constantino, director of the Confederate Sentinels Group, or CSG. The clip was posted on his personal YouTube channel two days before the 2016 presidential elections.  

In the video, Constantino announced that he had ordered his chief marshal to deploy marshal and medical units to then-mayor Duterte’s rally at Luneta Park. Constantino asked viewers to join him in electing “President Mayor Rodrigo Duterte on May 9 as president of our country.”

As the camera zoomed in, Constantino raised a fist inside a black leather riding glove, a red rubber baller band wrapped around the knuckles. The band read “Duterte.”

Alvin Kyle Constantino is a 37-year-old Air Force reserve officer with an affection for bandanas and mirrored sunglasses. His adult career was a mix of “a lot of jobs, too many,” but he now makes a living opening and running canteens. 

Constantino registered the Confederate Sentinels Group Incorporated (CSG) in 2009 at the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to work “within the purview of social welfare and development." Its main office, CSG’s national headquarters, was donated by Constantino's mother – his family ran apartment rentals – and was the base for CSG’s 4,000-strong volunteer organization. 

He told Rappler that the group lived by the bible’s Matthew 25:35-46: “That part where Matthew says, ‘Feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, clothe the naked and welcome the strangers.’” The group was meant to be “protectors of the weak and needy,” offering medical missions, relief and rescue operations, and anti-criminality campaign programs. 

While the group runs an annual fund-raising effort and receives occasional dues from its chapters, the most the CSG has ever raised in a year was P120,000 ($2,210)*, less than half the organization's actual spending. Constantino said his family provided the bulk of the CSG’s budget. They treat the organization as a family operation.

“That’s our offering to God," he said, "ourselves, our treasure, our time, our effort, to glorify his name.” 

The CSG’s roughly thirty chapters are spread across the country. In 2016, there were two chapters in Tondo, Manila. One of them, Tondo Chapter 2, led by Ricardo Villamonte, alias Commander Maning, never progressed beyond “a probationary chapter.”

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FOUNDER. Alvin Constantino, founder and director of officials of CSG Inc sits behind his desk at the national headquarters in Sitio Campo Uno, Quezon City. Photo by Carlo Gabuco 
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Constantino ran the CSG from a small room, much like the inner sanctums of police station commanders across the country. There was a single desk with the Philippine flag to the left and the CSG flag to the right at the center. There was a poster with the face of President Duterte taped to the door, a large bulletin board with the photos and names of CSG’s uniformed corps staff, and a gallery of photos with Constantino shaking hands with former police chief Ronald dela Rosa. 

“I wanted to be in the military, or the PNP, but it didn’t happen,” Constantino said. “At least I can fulfill my dream.”

Gold-plated congratulations from generals across the hierarchy of the Philippine National Police took up much of the wall space. No less than five former directors of the Quezon City Police District had sent in plaques of appreciation, commendation, and recognition. A trophy for “Outstanding Non-Government Organization,” signed by then National Capital Region chief Oscar Albayalde, sat at a place of honor. The room could either be a shrine to the Philippine National Police, or to Alvin Constantino.

The CSG has maintained a relationship with the PNP since “around 2009.” They were eventually accredited as a volunteer organization, with memoranda of agreement signed with individual police districts, including Manila. Constantino described the CSG as an organization “helping the police maintain peace and order," with force multipliers part of the marshal units.

The force multipliers are urged to spend three to five hours a day, three times a week, on duty with the PNP. They patrol at their own expense. They wear the royal blue CSG shirt with the martial shield and the seal of the local police district on their right sleeve.

“When you become a volunteer organization accredited by the PNP,” said Constantino, “you wear a uniform, you have a PNP ID, and you’re with the PNP while you’re on duty, so you intimidate people who are about to commit petty crimes.” 

Constantino was driving to the CSG headquarters on February 9, 2017 when he discovered a chapter of his organization had been accused by police of vigilante killings. Someone had sent him video of the press conference in Camp Crame, where then police chief Dela Rosa condemned the CSG for executing a 16-year-old minor named Charlie Saladaga. 

“Everyone was confused,” Constantino said. “Some of the members said they were taking off their car plates, stripping off their CSG shirts, because they heard the CSG were being hunted down. That hurt me, because what did the CSG do wrong?” 

Constantino said he had no knowledge of vigilante activities in Tondo. “The leadership of the CSG did not order them to kill.” (CSG Tondo Chapter 2's leader, Commander Maning, denied allegations he and his men participated in summary executions.) 

On August 6, 2016, Constantino posted a photo that carried the caption, “a courtesy call by new members from CSG Tondo 2 Chapter headed by Capt Cdr. Ricardo Villamonte.”

In the photo, a group of more than a dozen people posed inside what appeared to be Constantino’s office at the CSG's national headquarters. Most of the men were wearing the organization’s royal blue uniform shirts, the CSG logo sewn over the heart, their names embroidered opposite. 

Constantino did not deny that CSG Tondo Chapter 2 had once been part of the national network. He was unable to supply Rappler with an official list of Tondo Chapter 2’s members, claiming that “all data and files were removed” after the chapter failed to renew their membership. Even the handwritten applications were gone. Constantino said he had them all thrown out before May 2017, a few months after the PNP press conference. 

Constantino insisted his office had little to do with the recruitment of Tondo Chapter 2’s members. According to Constantino, it was the Philippine National Police, not the CSG, that recruited the members from Village 105 in a rare shift in protocol.

It was the police, he said, who called to inform him that a new chapter from Tondo was “ready for orientation.”

According to Constantino, "it was Captain Jonar Cardozo" who recruited and recommended Commander Maning and his men to the CSG. “The police made the recommendation to me."

Police Inspector Jonar Cardozo, now the chief of the Vehicular Investigation Section of the Manila Police District, was once precinct commander of PCP Smokey Mountain, a few minutes' walk from the CSG outpost along Road 10 in Tondo.

The Manila Police District is divided into 11 police stations. MPD Police Station-1 along Raxabago Street in Tondo (PS-1), covering Village 105, had command supervision of PCPs – Police Community Precincts – located in Smokey Mountain, Pritil, Gagalangin, and Don Bosco. 

It was Cardozo, according to Constantino, who personally introduced Commander Maning. He said the police offered assurances that the chapter’s men were “hardworking.”

“All I knew was that Commander Maning was a PNP force multiplier,” said Constantino. “I didn’t know what he did, I didn’t have much knowledge, but of course I had no reason to doubt him. He was with the PNP.” 

Cardozo refused an interview with Rappler. He responded, however, to a few questions via text. He said "our role was to organize the different community sectors in forging a united front against crime, terrorism and other forms of lawlessness."

He also said that part of the job was "to form force multipliers through the empowerment of people towards community involvement." He did not deny he personally recruited members of CSG Tondo Chapter 2. "All who are willing for community service and public safety are welcome and invited" to join the CSG.   

A 2017 newsletter published by the CSG and provided to Rappler listed Cardozo as an official consultant of the organization. A Facebook post from August 26, 2016 described "Capt Jonar Cardozo" as CSG's Manila District Chief.

Constantino said Cardozo remains a CSG member, although he is no longer a district chief after CSG Tondo was reduced to a single chapter after Chapter 2 lost its membership. 

Commander Maning, in an interview with Rappler, described Cardozo as a kumpare – a close friend – and "the president of the CSG in Tondo."  

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IN USE. The CSG outpost is a short walk from the police precinct. The facade was repainted and is now in use by the local government. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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On September 13, 2016, Constantino posted the photograph of a small, one-story structure under construction just beneath an overpass along Road 10.

“Congratulations,” Constantino wrote, “to Cmdr Ricardo Villamonte for the establishment of CSG Eagle Base Satellite in Tondo 2 Chapter Manila District." 

“They moved fast,” said Constantino. “That’s what I noticed about Tondo 2. They moved fast, although I couldn’t ask where they got their money. They could have solicited, but they didn’t get their money from us. Suddenly they had their own headquarters.”

Commander Maning said it wasn't the members of CSG Tondo 2 Chapter who elected him as their leader. He said instead he was voted in by "Cardozo and the rest."
 
In Commander Maning's view, both Constantino and Cardozo were part of the recruitment of CSG Tondo 2 Chapter, although it was Cardozo he met first when the police officer was assigned to PCP Smokey Mountain. 

Commander Maning said Cardozo told him that he was in contact with Constantino, and that Constantino was looking to organize the CSG in Tondo. "Then [Constantino] came down here." 

"He was our founder," said Commander Maning. "Then he disappeared and abandoned us."

Constantino denied this in an earlier interview. By his reckoning, Cardozo came to him with a new CSG chapter ready for orientation. Constantino said his own presence was mostly “for morale,” and that he only appeared when invited. Rappler's sources from inside CSG Tondo 2 Chapter also said Constantino was present for official events only. They were unsure if he was aware of the vigilante activities they claimed were ongoing under Commander Maning's supervision. 

Constantino insisted it was the police that had direct command and training supervision over every one of the CSG’s marshal units, along with other force multiplier units in the country. (It is a characterization that former PNP chief Dela Rosa disagreed with. He told Rappler “it is the village hall that has control” over force multipliers.)

“So the police give the instructions,” Constantino said. “My people just do what they’re told, because those are uniformed personnel.”

Constantino said he saw Commander Maning join the police on patrols, ride in mobile units, and direct traffic. Photos posted publicly showed Cardozo, together with CSG Tondo Chapter 2 members, providing security to the public and joining medical missions.

Cardozo, in his messages to Rappler, said that there were sometimes problems with force multipliers "when they are left on their own and they're not guided, especially if they're no longer active or there are no PNP members going there."

Asked directly over text on Wednesday, October 3, if he agreed with the PNP's announcement that CSG Tondo Chapter 2 was a vigilante group, Cardozo refused to answer. 

"No comment," he said, "God bless." – Rappler.com

PART 1 | 'Some People Need Killing'
PART 2 | 'The Cops Were Showing Off'
PART 3 | 'Get It From The Chief'

To be continued: PART 5 | 'I Finish The Job'

Editor's Note: Alvin Constantino, in a text message, wanted to withdraw what was said in more than an hour's interview, saying, he thought the story would be about the CSG and its various humanitarian projects, and not about ties with the Philippine National Police. We told him it is not our policy to allow it, given public interest issues and clear questions during the interview, which was recorded on video.

All quotes in Filipino have been translated into English. Rappler also sought an interview with former National Capital Region Police Office head and now PNP Chief Oscar Albayalde, who was unavailable. At the time of publication, Manila Police District Director Joel Coronel had yet to send a response.

*$1 = P54

MANILA, Philippines – President Rodrigo Duterte's health has been the subject of much speculation in recent months following trips to the hospital and his recent announcement that a "growth" was found in his digestive system during an endoscopy. 

Officials and his allies are not keen on releasing medical bulletins despite calls by various groups for the administration to be more transparent regarding the situation of the President. (READ: President's health: Touchy topic for Duterte, public concern for Constitution) 

This is not the first time that Filipinos have clamored for updates and transparency regarding the health of their president. The current administration is also not the first one to be stingy when it comes to details about the chief executive's state of health.

The 1987 Philippine Constitution states that "in case of serious illness of the President, the public shall be informed of the state of his health." The phrase is silent on what counts as a "serious illness."

How did Philippine presidents handle their own health concerns? 

FERDINAND MARCOS

MEDICAL CONDITION:
Kidney ailment

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED: 
At the start of his 3rd term in 1981, rumors on Ferdinand Marcos' deteriorating health intensified. They persisted as his public appearances grew scarce. A report from 1984 noted that the "obvious poor health" of Marcos had sparked a mad scramble among opposition members regarding his would-be successor.

WHO DISCLOSED IT: 
In December 1984, more than a year after the assassination of Marcos' chief critic Ninoy Aquino, then labor minister Blas Ope told the New York Times that "the health of our leader is undergoing certain vicissitudes, problems," adding that he was "in control but cannot take major initiatives." 

This disclosure, the Times added, was the first on-the-record confirmation about Marcos' poor health. Rumors heightened "when [Marcos] went into seclusion November 14 for health reasons and was not seen in public until November 26" in 1984, the Times added.

A year after, in 1985, the Los Angeles Times cited a report quoting Dr Potenciano Baccay, one of Marcos's private physicians and official at the National Kidney Foundation (now the National Kidney and Transplant Institute), that Marcos underwent kidney transplants in 1983 and 1985.

The Palace called the report "sheer fantasy.” Baccay was later abducted and killed by unidentified men the same month he talked to the press, according to a New York Times report.

In 1986, prior to the EDSA People Power Revolution and during a presidential campaign, the Times cited United States intelligence reports that said Marcos was "seriously ill with a cyclical, potentially fatal rare disease." 

AFTER PRESIDENCY:
Marcos died while in exile in Hawaii in 1989, three years after his ouster in a people power revolution in February 1986. His death was due to complications brought by kidney, lung, and heart ailments. (READ: The long journey of Ferdinand Marcos’ remains) 

In 2006, then Ilocos Norte representative Imee Marcos, according to a GMA News report, said that secrecy was maintained to the point that advisers dismissed the idea of treatment abroad  – to ward off doubts about the dictator’s ability to lead the country.

CORAZON AQUINO 

AFTER PRESIDENCY: 
On March 24, 2008, the family of Corazon Aquino announced on national television that the former president was diagnosed with colon cancer during tests that happened in the early weeks of that year. Her youngest daughter, celebrity Kris Aquino, read the family's statement beside then senator Benigno Aquino III, and asked for privacy and prayers.

The former president started her chemotherapy sessions a day after, on March 25, 2008. She appeared in several events, including masses, prior to undergoing laparoscopic colectomy on May 4, 2008. 

Aquino was again hospitalized on June 23, 2009. The Aquino family consistently updated the public about the condition of the former president until her death on August 1, 2009. 

FIDEL RAMOS

MEDICAL CONDITIONS:
– Blocked artery as announced on December 23, 1996 
– Rumors about a mild stroke

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED: 

On December 23, 1996, the Palace released a medical bulletin that said a “significant carotid block” in then president Fidel Ramos' neck was due to high cholesterol.

That same day, Ramos underwent surgery to remove the block. A day after the operation, Ramos faced the media clad in hospital pajamas and said he was feeling “very well.” (READ: Ramos swam, and the nation was afloat)

The condition was allegedly life-threatening enough that then vice president Joseph Estrada was asked to be ready just in case, according to a report by Asiaweek on January 10, 1997.

Ramos underwent strength tests and various checkups prior to going overseas for official trips. He also regularly released medical bulletins on his health.

AFTER PRESIDENCY:

At 90 years old, Ramos is still up – often challenging people to do push-ups with him.

JOSEPH ESTRADA

AFTER PRESIDENCY:
The medical conditions of former president Joseph Estrada were first disclosed to the public after he was ousted in a civilian-backed military revolt on January 20, 2001. 

He underwent knee surgeries for osteoarthritis in Hong Kong on December 31, 2005 while he was on temporary furlough from a house arrest.

One of his doctors, orthopedic surgeon Christopher Mow, said that he had knee ailments since 1998, when he won as president.

In 2012, Estrada underwent stem cell therapy. (READ: Philippine elite fight aging with stem cell therapy) 

GLORIA MACAPAGAL ARROYO

MEDICAL CONDITIONS: 
– Acute diarrhea in 2006
– Lumps found in her breast and groin in 2009

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED:
In June 2006, the Palace issued medical bulletins and updates regarding Arroyo's hospitalization for acute diarrhea. Weeks after her hospital confinement, she tried to end rumors by saying, “I got sick, I am fine. End of story.” 

Another hospitalization in July 2009, for a lumpectomy, was only confirmed by Malacañang two weeks after the procedure. Malacañang said the operation was done after lumps were found on her breast and groin. 

AFTER PRESIDENCY: 
Arroyo underwent spinal surgery in 2011. Titanium implants and a bone substitute were used to rebuild Arroyo’s spine. This ilness was one of the reasons why Arroyo ended up under hospital arrest at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center (VMMC) until July 2016. (READ: Where's the neck brace? Speaker Arroyo shows scars to prove spinal condition)

BENIGNO AQUINO III

MEDICAL CONDITION: 
– Chronic coughing due to smoking

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED:

Aquino was never hospitalized during his presidency. He just had daily bouts of dry cough.

Malacañang on November 24, 2012 declared he will not quit smoking since it is “the is one thing that takes away his stress.” Aquino ignored calls for him to kick the habit, particularly from the Philippine Medical Association. (READ: ‘Will the President please stop smoking?’) 

The Palace also said some of his coughing fits were due to allergy, not just cigarettes. 

RODRIGO DUTERTE

MEDICAL CONDITIONS:
– “Growth” found during an endoscopy
– Buerger’s Disease
– Barrett’s Esophagus
– Gastroesophageal reflux disease
– Frequent migraines and spinal issues
– Sleeps with the aid of an oxygen concentrator and has used fentanyl patches 

HOW MALACAÑANG HANDLES: 

The Palace has not released official medical bulletins about the health of President Rodrigo Duterte.

Much of the information about his condition comes from President himself, who would often announce what pained him during speeches. (READ: Duterte tells Cabinet medical results came back 'negative')

Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque (now on leave) said Duterte's health was still covered by rules on the confidentiality of health records because the Constitution only requires disclosure in the event of a “serious illness.” – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – World-famous Boracay Island will be open to tourists once again on October 26, after being closed for 6 months due to rehabilitation work.

President Rodrigo Duterte verbally ordered the island's closure, saying Boracay has become a "cesspool." (READ: INSIDE STORY: How Duterte decided on Boracay closure)

Before its formal opening, a dry run for local tourists will be held from October 15 to 25. (LOOK: Boracay to open with war zone-like roads?)

But officials said that the full rehabilitation will not yet be completed by the time Boracay reopens. So what can we expect on October 26?

Limited number of tourists

With the carrying capacity capped at 19,215 tourists at any given time, the Boracay inter-agency task force will be limiting the number of people entering the island daily.

Tourism Secretary Bernadette Puyat said that only 6,405 tourists will be allowed to enter Boracay daily, assuming that they will be staying for 3 days. The government is also planning to issue access cards to monitor entry to the island.

As of August 31, government has allowed an initial 25 hotels and resorts with some 2,000 rooms to operate by opening time. This may still be increased to 3,000 on October 26, as long as the establishments have complied with existing laws and regulations.

No more beach parties

The government will also ban parties on the beach. Environment Secretary Roy Cimatu said that partying will still be allowed, but only within establishments.

Puyat earlier said that visitors can expect a "more peaceful" Boracay, with government also banning the annual Labor Day parties dubbed "Laboracay."

During a House committee hearing on September 28, Environment Undersecretary Sherwin Rigor also said they will be requiring businesses to have a noise insulation system within bars and restaurants to "let some tourists staying within the commercial areas sleep."

The inter-agency task force is also eyeing imposing a curfew.

No water activities

Diving and other water activities will be suspended as well. Environment officials said that these have contributed to the degradation of the marine ecosystem.

Rigor said that "more time is needed to rehabilitate the corals and to boost marine biodiversity."

No beachfront obstructions

Placing tables and chairs along the beachfront will be banned, as it limits movement in the area. This means that massage chairs put up by masseuses in Boracay, as well as henna tattoo pop-ups, will no longer be there.

Rigor also said that setting up small fences to mark establishments' territories will not be allowed, along with the installation of electrical lights on coconut trees, as this "destroys the natural environment."

Illegal structures violating the 25+5-meter easement rule were demolished, giving wider walking areas for visitors.

Regulation of sandcastle-making

The government will also be regulating sandcastle-making along Boracay shores.

Rigor said that some residents "are just making a business out of the sand."

Smoking ban

A smoking ban along the beachfront will be strictly enforced.

Less vendors

The government will also be regulating vendors entering the island.

The DENR's carrying capacity study found that there are a total of 13,605 migrant workers and 22,395 stay-in workers. Cimatu said they need to relocate some 6,000 workers to decongest the island.

No more single-use plastics

The Malay local government will enforce a local ordinance prohibiting single-use plastics.

Firms will not be allowed to hand out plastic straws, bags, or styrofoams. Establishments will also be encouraged to use environment-friendly alternatives for toiletries. Violators will be penalized. – Rappler.com

After more than two years and an estimated 23,518 deaths under investigation, Rappler tells the story of Rodrigo Duterte's drug war from the eyes of the killers.

In early 2017, the Philippine National Police (PNP) arrested members of a vigilante gang suspected of preying on drug suspects and criminals in Tondo, Manila. The group was a local chapter of the Confederate Sentinels Group (CSG), a national volunteer organization that the police had officially accredited as force multipliers. 

Rappler’s 6-month investigation shows strong indications that the police were outsourcing extrajudicial killings to the same vigilante gang they accused of murder. According to individuals with knowledge of CSG Tondo Chapter 2’s activities, officials of the PNP coordinated with vigilantes, took credit for murders, and on occasion paid for assassinations in the name of the war against drugs.

This fifth of seven stories, published in installments, includes on-the-record testimony from community members as well as two of the CSG’s self-confessed vigilantes. At their request, Rappler has changed or withheld their names for their own safety. Angel and Simon are not their real names. 

In mid-2016, after the election of President Rodrigo Duterte, rumors of an armed group of vigilantes began spreading across the tenements and shanties of Village 105 in Tondo. The men would patrol late at night, sometimes at dawn. One resident who saw them pass by on his way home asked who they were.

“They’re the CSG,” he was told. “They’re the ones who kill the drug users and dealers.”

By November, the CSG reached new levels of notoriety.  “Even the village watchmen were afraid of them,” said one resident. A woman Rappler spoke to said she was afraid one of the children would get shot in the crossfire. Most of the walls in the area were made of plywood. “They shoot like cowboys,” she said. 

“At first I didn’t believe the story,” said a local volunteer. “But I was friends with some of the members, and they were pretty vocal about what they called their job. They were real, and they were killing.”

Those who found out who the group's targets were quietly informed neighbors their loved ones were in danger. Brothers and fathers and sons were sent out of Tondo to hide. “I couldn’t sleep knowing the names of people who were about to die,” said one Tondo resident. “I went to each of their mothers. I told them to run.”

The deaths were sometimes reported in the news, part of the count of alleged drug suspects gunned down on a daily basis across the country. They included, among others, a man named Ernesto Sabado, who had been released from jail for a robbery case days before he was killed. 

Rappler's sources, residents in the area, said Sabado had been dragged out of his Temporary Housing unit in Tondo. "They shot him outside the hall," said one source. "In the hallways of the building, in front of everybody." 

According to a report in a tabloid Abante Tonight, Sabado had been killed in front of his "pleading mother" on November 15, 2016. Tempo, another tabloid, noted how Sabado had been "shot dead by his neighbor and two cohorts who forcibly entered his house in Tondo, Manila."

The tabloids quoted a Manila Police District investigator as saying authorities were hunting down the three suspects, including a certain "June Alejan, neighbor of [the] victim."

Angel, a self-confessed vigilante who spoke to Rappler, confirmed that Ernesto Sabado was one of CSG Tondo Chapter 2's kills. He also named Alejan.

Rappler could find no records showing any arrests or charges against the killers of Ernesto Sabado. (Rappler filed a Freedom of Information request at the Manila Police District for the case folder pertaining to the investigation. There has been no response.)

Roughly three months after Sabado was killed in front of his mother, the same man accused of his death was again implicated in another murder. Alfredo Alejan Jr, alias "Jun," was arrested by police for the murder of a 16-year-old boy named Charlie Saladaga. Alejan was among the three alleged vigilantes arrested and presented to the media by top brass of the Philippine National Police. 

A check on Alejan's booking sheet showed he lived in the same building as Ernesto Sabado in Vitas, Tondo. 

***

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HOME. A man sits in one of the Temporary Housing buildings in Helping Complex, Village 105, Tondo, Manila. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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At past 4 in the afternoon of February 9, 2017, Manila Police District Director Joel Coronel told the national media that a rogue group of vigilantes had been operating in Tondo for at least five months. Coronel said the police "have monitored through several complaints that this group has been engaged in summary killings of alleged suspects in criminal activities." 

Three men were arrested in a police raid: Alfredo "Jun" Alejan Jr, Manuel "Joel" Murillo, and Marco "Naldo" Morallos.

"These suspects are members of a civilian volunteer organization allegedly involved in our Barangay Peacekeeping Action Teams, our BPATS," Coronel said. "They were further accredited with our Police Community Relations Group. Supposedly they are assisting the PNP in maintaining peace and order."

While at first unwilling to name the head of the purported vigilante group, referring only to a "Commander," Coronel later named the suspect after questioning by a reporter. 

“The commander is a certain Ricardo Villamonte, the alleged leader of the Confederate Sentinel Group, the CSG,” said Coronel. 

For months, Rappler had been attempting to interview Ricardo Villamonte, also known as "Commander Maning." It was only on the day before publication of the first story in the series that Rappler caught up with the controversial CSG leader. 

At eight in the morning of October 3, Commander Maning was waiting outside the village 105 hall. He said he was there to bring his child to school. He was reluctant to speak, and only answered a few questions on the record before swinging a leg over his motorcycle and insisting he had to leave. 

Commander Maning is a short man, just a little over five feet tall. He stands with his feet splayed, the big heavy belly tucked under a bright yellow shirt that stretched at the seams. 

Yes, he said, he was part of CSG Tondo Chapter 2. Yes, he was the one chosen to lead them, for no other reason that he was already the president of the local homeowners' association in Aroma, Tondo. Yes, he and his men helped patrol the village, but it was "for peace and order, so that there would be no snatchers and no riots, and we told off the ones who are trouble." 

He said he had been dragged into the allegations, but added, "I have nothing to do with any of it." He also dismissed claims by sources who told Rappler he led vigilantes working for CSG Tondo Chapter 2. "Did they see anything?" he asked. "What right do we have to kill? We're not cops."

The police, said Commander Maning, "were really wrong" to accuse them. 

"How can we be vigilantes when we're just here?" he asked Rappler. "We're not doing anything. We help the village officials." 

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<p class="caption">OUTPOST. Photos of the facade of the CSG Tondo Chapter 2 outpost photographed in January of 2017 show the names of CSG officials as well as members painted on the outside walls. </p>
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The former outpost of the Confederate Sentinels Group Tondo Chapter 2 sat along Road 10, a short walk away from the Smokey Mountain Police Community Precinct (PCP). 

It was that proximity that many of Rappler's sources pointed to when asked about the killings that police claimed were the responsibility of CSG Tondo Chapter 2. 

“We were confident,” said Simon, a self-confessed vigilante, “because if we show the police our ID, or even if we didn’t have ID to show, we just give them our names and say we’re Commander Maning’s men. They’ll hold us at the PCP...They’ll take us for a ride and hold us. If they prove we’re positive [as CSG], they let us go.”

Rappler's sources said the outpost just under an overpass was mess hall and barracks and war room combined, where anyone on the job could trade a gun if he didn't like what he had. Inside the outpost, names and pictures of the members were posted on one wall. A whiteboard with a hand-drawn chart listed shift schedules. Outside, the CSG logo was painted on the blue walls, along with Alvin Constantino’s name as director, Commander Maning’s name – Ricardo Villamonte – as commander, and the names of nine of the chapter’s members. 

"So Maning had his name up there," snickered Angel, another self-confessed CSG vigilante. "It said commander. He put it [his name] up there so people would show respect. Of course people were scared of the commander, and all the other people who had their names on the wall."

The list of dead targets grew longer, said Simon. He knew most of the targets by their aliases: Toyo, Joseph, JC, Antonio, Pinuno, Sitoy.

Not every target was killed on police orders, said Simon. One woman on the target list, a dealer the locals called “Mommy,” knew there was a hit out and refused to leave her house. “So they took it out on her son instead."

Another man, a former CSG member, was killed on the way to the outpost. "We found out he was positive [for dealing drugs]," said Simon. "After our operation we followed him and killed him."

On October 4, 2016, the media reported the death of a 36-year-old garbage collector named Albert Franco. A newspaper report said Franco, described as a CSG member and resident of Village 105, was shot in the head by unknown assailants. He was reportedly killed at 10:45 in the evening as he was walking a short distance away from PCP Smokey Mountain, on his way to the CSG outpost. His partner told reporters, however, that Franco had no vices or enemies. 

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ANGEL. Angel, who requested that his name be changed for this story, says the police were well aware of the CSG's alleged vigilante activities. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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"It depends on the orders," said Angel. "Doesn't matter if you're a kid or an adult. That's how it works. If Maning says to kill you, because the police paid him, he'll say, 'Go, drop the guy, he's pissed off a lot of people inside. Do it.'" 

This was what happened, said the vigilantes, once Commander Maning announced a target. The surveillance team would fan out. There would be maybe four, maybe six men. They would watch the target for days, from across an alley or on the stoop of a corner store.

They would listen when plans were made, befriend neighbors, and note when children come home. They would ask who else lived in the house and admire the paint on the walls. 

Sometimes the surveillance men would look through windows, or knock on the door to purchase a sachet of meth – no problem, no worries, here you go, the folded hundred-peso bill just a quiet deal between friends.

Once the target was “positive,” a team would be selected. “Someone would go, ‘You, you, and you, go with him so it’s safe,’” said Angel, pointing at imagined cronies. “Four in front, the rest to the side. In every area you have a backup. That corner, two backups there. Those in front are on motorcycles. On the other side, two more. So the target is safely down, and no screwups.”

Sometimes they would use a van one of the members owned, sometimes a motorcycle with unregistered plates. If the target survived the first shot, there would be another man waiting. He could be sitting at an outdoor canteen with a bowl of noodles. He could be on his phone, standing by the side of the road. He only moved once the target fell and the shooter ran. If the target twitched, he would fire the killing shot. They called him the finisher.

"I finish the job," Angel said.– Rappler.com

PART 1 | 'Some People Need Killing'
PART 2 | 'The Cops Were Showing Off'
PART 3 | 'Get It From The Chief'
PART 4 | 'What Did The CSG Do Wrong?'

To be continued: PART 6 | 'It Was Just A Misunderstanding'

Editor's Note: All quotes in Filipino have been translated into English. Rappler filed two Freedom of Information requests with the Manila Police District for case folders pertaining to investigations on murders allegedly committed by CSG Tondo Chapter 2. There has been no response. Rappler also requested an interview with former Manila Police District Director Joel Coronel. There has been no response as of publication. 

On October 8, four days after the publication of this series' first story, Philippine National Police Chief Oscar Albayalde dared any witnesses of vigilante killings to file affidavits and testify about police involvement. "We'll be very much willing to investigate that," he said at a press briefing in Camp Crame. The police chief earlier denied Rappler's request for an interview. 

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MANILA, Philippines – President Rodrigo Duterte's health has been the subject of much speculation in recent months following trips to the hospital and his recent announcement that a "growth" was found in his digestive system during an endoscopy. 

Officials and his allies are not keen on releasing medical bulletins despite calls by various groups for the administration to be more transparent regarding the situation of the President. (READ: President's health: Touchy topic for Duterte, public concern for Constitution) 

This is not the first time that Filipinos have clamored for updates and transparency regarding the health of their president. The current administration is also not the first one to be stingy when it comes to details about the chief executive's state of health.

The 1987 Philippine Constitution states that "in case of serious illness of the President, the public shall be informed of the state of his health." The phrase is silent on what counts as a "serious illness."

How did Philippine presidents handle their own health concerns? 

FERDINAND MARCOS

MEDICAL CONDITION:
Kidney ailment

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED: 
At the start of his 3rd term in 1981, rumors on Ferdinand Marcos' deteriorating health intensified. They persisted as his public appearances grew scarce. A report from 1984 noted that the "obvious poor health" of Marcos had sparked a mad scramble among opposition members regarding his would-be successor.

WHO DISCLOSED IT: 
In December 1984, more than a year after the assassination of Marcos' chief critic Ninoy Aquino, then labor minister Blas Ope told the New York Times that "the health of our leader is undergoing certain vicissitudes, problems," adding that he was "in control but cannot take major initiatives." 

This disclosure, the Times added, was the first on-the-record confirmation about Marcos' poor health. Rumors heightened "when [Marcos] went into seclusion November 14 for health reasons and was not seen in public until November 26" in 1984, the Times added.

A year after, in 1985, the Los Angeles Times cited a report quoting Dr Potenciano Baccay, one of Marcos's private physicians and official at the National Kidney Foundation (now the National Kidney and Transplant Institute), that Marcos underwent kidney transplants in 1983 and 1985.

The Palace called the report "sheer fantasy.” Baccay was later abducted and killed by unidentified men the same month he talked to the press, according to a New York Times report.

In 1986, prior to the EDSA People Power Revolution and during a presidential campaign, the Times cited United States intelligence reports that said Marcos was "seriously ill with a cyclical, potentially fatal rare disease." 

AFTER PRESIDENCY:
Marcos died while in exile in Hawaii in 1989, three years after his ouster in a people power revolution in February 1986. His death was due to complications caused by kidney, lung, and heart ailments. (READ: The long journey of Ferdinand Marcos’ remains) 

In 2006, then Ilocos Norte representative Imee Marcos, according to a GMA News report, said that secrecy was maintained to the point that advisers dismissed the idea of treatment abroad  – to douse doubts about the dictator’s ability to lead the country.

CORAZON AQUINO 

AFTER PRESIDENCY: 
On March 24, 2008, the family of Corazon Aquino announced on national television that the former president was diagnosed with colon cancer during tests that she went through in the early weeks of that year. Her youngest daughter, celebrity Kris Aquino, read the family's statement beside then senator Benigno Aquino III, and asked for privacy and prayers.

The former president started her chemotherapy sessions a day after, on March 25, 2008. She appeared in several events, including masses, prior to undergoing laparoscopic colectomy on May 4, 2008. 

Aquino was again hospitalized on June 23, 2009. The Aquino family consistently updated the public about the condition of the former president until her death on August 1, 2009. 

FIDEL RAMOS

MEDICAL CONDITIONS:
– Blocked artery as announced on December 23, 1996 
– Rumors about a mild stroke

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED: 

On December 23, 1996, the Palace released a medical bulletin that said a “significant carotid block” in then president Fidel Ramos' neck was due to high cholesterol.

That same day, Ramos underwent surgery to remove the block. A day after the operation, Ramos faced the media clad in hospital pajamas and said he was feeling “very well.” (READ: Ramos swam, and the nation was afloat)

The condition was allegedly life-threatening enough that then vice president Joseph Estrada was asked to be ready just in case, according to a report by Asiaweek on January 10, 1997.

Ramos underwent strength tests and various checkups prior to going overseas for official trips. He also regularly released medical bulletins on his health.

AFTER PRESIDENCY:

At 90 years old, Ramos is still up – often challenging people to do push-ups with him.

JOSEPH ESTRADA

AFTER PRESIDENCY:
The medical conditions of former president Joseph Estrada were first disclosed to the public after he was ousted in a civilian-backed military revolt on January 20, 2001. 

He underwent knee surgeries for osteoarthritis in Hong Kong on December 31, 2005 while he was on temporary furlough from a house arrest.

One of his doctors, orthopedic surgeon Christopher Mow, said that he had knee ailments since 1998, when he won as president.

In 2012, Estrada underwent stem cell therapy. (READ: Philippine elite fight aging with stem cell therapy) 

GLORIA MACAPAGAL ARROYO

MEDICAL CONDITIONS: 
– Acute diarrhea in 2006
– Lumps found in her breast and groin in 2009

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED:
In June 2006, the Palace issued medical bulletins and updates regarding Arroyo's hospitalization for acute diarrhea. Weeks after her hospital confinement, she tried to end rumors by saying, “I got sick, I am fine. End of story.” 

Another hospitalization in July 2009, for a lumpectomy, was only confirmed by Malacañang two weeks after the procedure. Malacañang said the operation was done after lumps were found on her breast and groin. 

AFTER PRESIDENCY: 
Arroyo underwent spinal surgery in 2011. Titanium implants and a bone substitute were used to rebuild Arroyo’s spine. This ilness was one of the reasons why Arroyo ended up under hospital arrest at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center (VMMC) until July 2016. (READ: Where's the neck brace? Speaker Arroyo shows scars to prove spinal condition)

BENIGNO AQUINO III

MEDICAL CONDITION: 
– Chronic coughing due to smoking

HOW MALACAÑANG RESPONDED:

Aquino was never hospitalized during his presidency. He just had daily bouts of dry cough.

Malacañang on November 24, 2012 declared he will not quit smoking since it is “the one thing that takes away his stress.” Aquino ignored calls for him to kick the habit, particularly from the Philippine Medical Association. (READ: ‘Will the President please stop smoking?’) 

The Palace also said some of his coughing fits were due to allergy, not just cigarettes. 

RODRIGO DUTERTE

MEDICAL CONDITIONS:
– “Growth” found during an endoscopy
– Buerger’s Disease
– Barrett’s Esophagus
– Gastroesophageal reflux disease
– Frequent migraines and spinal issues
– Sleeps with the aid of an oxygen concentrator and has used fentanyl patches 

HOW MALACAÑANG HANDLES: 

The Palace has not released official medical bulletins about the health of President Rodrigo Duterte.

Much of the information about his condition comes from President himself, who would often announce what pained him during speeches. (READ: Duterte tells Cabinet medical results came back 'negative')

Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque (now on leave) said Duterte's health is still covered by rules on the confidentiality of health records because the Constitution only requires disclosure in the event of “serious illness.” – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Many posts have been circulating online about supposed quotes by famous personalities mentioning or even praising President Rodrigo Duterte.

Our readers also send us these posts for verification.

Here's a running list of such hoax statements. This list will be updated as new ones emerge.

You may navigate through the fact checks via the links below. The names/groups are arranged in alphabetical order.

Angelina Jolie | Fatou Bensouda | Julie Bishop | Pope Francis | Queen Elizabeth II | UN Economic and Social Council | Previous fact-check articles

Claim: Hollywood actress Angelina Jolie supposedly said, “I hope we find a Rodrigo Duterte to solve these growing problem that affects numerous American households.”

The claim surfaced as early as September 2016 being posted by self-described satire website philnews.ph on September 23, 2016, and thephnews.blogspot.com. It was resurfaced by several Facebook users and the blogs factnews.club and newsngayonsapilipinas.blogspot.com garnering a combined total of 1,771 shares on Facebook.

The full quote reads:

I really think that abusing of any form of drugs should be completely eradicated. Especially here in America where anyone can buy the drug of their choice almost  anywhere. I hope we find a Rodrigo Duterte to solve these growing problem that affects numerous American household.

Rating: HOAX

The facts: There is no such quote from Angelina Jolie.

There are no reports from credible news organizations that support the claim. The satire article from philnews.ph seems to be based on a September 20, 2016 TMZ article regarding Jolie filing for divorce with actor Brad Pitt’s divorce.

According to unnamed sources, Jolie cited marijuana and alcohol consumption as a reason for their split in the TMZ report. The philnews.ph post then used this as a reason for Jolie saying the United States “find a Rodrigo Duterte” to “completely eradicate” drugs.

The claim had been debunked by the website Memebuster.net on September 22, 2016.  

Claim: International Criminal Court (ICC) Chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda said that the ICC “will not hesitate” to prosecute the opposition if they “present paid and fake witnesses against President Rodrigo Duterte.”

Facebook page “Juan Step Para sa Tunay na Pagbabago” posted the claim on April 19, 2017. It garnered at least 1,400 reactions, 166 comments, and 5,900 shares.

Blogs philnews.xyz and hlaoo1980.blogspot.com also posted the claim.

The full quote reads

Let me remind those political oppositions in the Philippines, that if you present paid and fake witnesses against Duterte, ICC will not hesitate to persecute all of you at once.

Rating: HOAX

Rating: There is no such quote from Bensouda.

The facts: There are no reports from credible news organizations supporting the claim. 

The term “Duterte” yields 5 search results in the ICC’s website, none mentioning the supposed quote. All results are about the court’s preliminary examination into Duterte’s anti-drug campaign and his announcement that the Philippines will withdraw as a member state from ICC. 

A Google reverse image search of the manipulated photo leads to a low quality photo of the original photo reposted on February 12 by Facebook page “Say NO to Chiz Escudero.” A reverse image search also of this photo leads to a March 20, 2017 repost of the photo by known opposition Facebook Page “Silent No More PH.”

The original photo contains an October 13, 2016 statement by Bensouda “concerning the situation in the Republic of the Philippines.”

The actual quote reads

Let me be clear: any person in the Philippines who incites or engages in acts of mass violence including by ordering, requesting, encouraging or contributing, in any other manner, to the commission of crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC is potentially liable to prosecution before the Court.

Aside from fabricating a quote supposedly from Bensouda, the chief prosecutor was also attacked by pro-Duterte trolls in a video of Bensouda explaining preliminary examinations in Philippines and Venezuela on ICC’s Facebook page. 

Rappler has also checked a claim saying the ICC has already junked the case filed by lawyer Jude Sabio against Duterte.

Claim: Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said to “not fight Duterte, help him win this war” on drugs.

The blog philmedia.info posted the claim in 2017. It is now taken down, but the Internet Archive has a snapshot of the post. It was shared on March 22, 2017 on Facebook by “President Rodrigo Duterte Supporter's” page which garnered at least 157 shares. 

According to the claim, Bishop said that helping Duterte “would be for every Filipino and future generations.”

Rating: HOAX

The facts: There is no such quote from the Australian Foreign Minister.

There are no reports from credible news organizations supporting the claim. 

Searching in Bishop's official website, the term “Duterte” yields 16 results, but none mentions the supposed quote. Most of it are references to Bishop’s meeting with Duterte on March 17. The meeting in Davao City was about the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea) dispute, terrorism, responsible mining, and the Mindanao peace process.

In addition, contrary to the claim, Bishop was quoted in an August 22, 2017 Sydney Morning Herald report saying, “the practice of extra-judicial killings to combat drug trafficking and use is of deep concern to Australia.” The foreign minister added “I consistently emphasise the importance of upholding human rights and the rule of law in democratic societies.”

Claim: Pope Francis “admires the honesty” of President Rodrigo Duterte.

The claim was posted as early as November 2015 by blogs thphnews.thephilippinetrend.com (now inactive or taken down), memethings.tumblr.com, trendingnewsportal.com, thephnews.blogspot.com, and viralsharer.com. It was also posted on Facebook by several users.

The full quote reads:

I was amazed by the fact that a politician who is aiming at the highest position could be this honest. It was a first encounter for me to see a politician being honest about his concerns for his country other than kissing my hands for the sole purpose of getting the support of the majority of the Catholic population… there’s no need for an apology. I admire his honesty.

Rating: HOAX

The facts: There is no such quote from Pope Francis.

The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) said the supposed statement is “not true” and “came from a satire piece and is fake.”

This is not the first time Pope Francis supposedly praised Duterte. On the last week of June, two claims surfaced: Pope Francis calling Duterte a “blessing” and “good leader,” and the Pope defending Duterte’s “God is stupid” remark.

Claim: Queen Elizabeth II said  “Donald Trump should follow Duterte’s footsteps.”

According to the claim, the Queen said this during a speech regarding the secession crisis in Catalonia, Spain.

The claim was posted by bayangpilipinas.com on October 30, 2017. It was resurfaced this year by several Facebook users as early as February.

The blog post cites is source as telegraph-tv.com, mimicking British newsgroup The Telegraph. Telegraph-tv.com site is no longer  online.

Both blog and Facebook posts garnered minimal social media engagement. 

The full quote reads:

The world did not recognize Catalonia independence just because they lacked wisdom. World leaders must emulate Philippines President Mr. Duterte, even Trump should follow his footsteps. A down to earth and wisdom gifted man. People may think I’m campaigning for him but trust me some world leaders would want to be like him. They should borrow a leaf.

I have not seen any other intelligent President other than Duterte, world leaders should go for political advice in Manila. I’m saying all these because I am a mother to all. I love Trump, Putin and I hate no one. I’m just concerned.

Rating: HOAX

The facts: There is no such quote from Queen Elizabeth II.

There are no news reports from credible news organizations supporting the claim.

Searching the Royal Family’s website, Facebook page, and Twitter account, there are no mention of the supposed quote.

The claim has been already debunked by Agence France-Presse on September 24, 2018.

This is not the first time a member of the Royal Family supposedly praised Duterte. Prince Harry and Meghan Markle did not “praise” Duterte in a “recent interview,” as claimed by a blog post last May. 

Claim: President Rodrigo Duterte was awarded as the “best president” by the UN Social and Economic Council (ECOSOC).

According to the claim, the award was “announced” during their “first annual review” which was published on August 8, 2016. Duterte was also supposedly “tipped to as the next UN Secretary General if he wishes to occupy the office.”

The claim was posted on Facebook as early as August 21, 2016 garnering at least 36,000 reactions, 10,000 comments, and 63,000 shares.

It was then resurfaced on Facebook on September 24 but reaching only at least 14,000 shares.

Rating: HOAX

The facts: There is no such award from UN ECOSOC.

Presidential spokesperson Harry Roque denied the claim on September 26. In a Sunstar news report of the same date, Roque said “there's no such thing.”

The term “Duterte” yields no search results in ECOSOC’s website, and specifically in ECOSOC’s Resolutions, Decisions, and Reports section.

Furthermore, the Reports section of ECOSOC show that there are no reports filed on August 8, 2016. The only report filed in August 2016 is a letter from the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General on August 24.

There are also no news reports of ECOSOC awarding nation leaders as “best president” or any similar title.

One of the 6 main organs of the United Nations, ECOSOC is tasked to “advance the three dimensions of sustainable development – economic, social and environmental” and “coordinating efforts to achieve internationally agreed goals.”

VERA Files and Agence France-Presse have also debunked the claim. 

Prior to the publication of this list, Rappler has written about other articles supposedly praising Duterte or mentioning the President's name.

FACT CHECK: Macron did not call Duterte a ‘role model’

FACT CHECK: Kenya president didn’t say Duterte is ‘strongest man in the world’

FACT CHECK: Prince Harry, Meghan Markle did not ‘praise’ Duterte

MISLEADING: ‘Trump congratulates Duterte for 40% down in drugs’

HOAX: ‘Pope Francis called Duterte a blessing, a good leader’

HOAX: Pope Francis 'defends’ Duterte’s 'God is stupid' remark

HOAX: US Ambassador Nikki Haley 'quote' on Duterte

— Miguel Imperial and Michael Bueza/Rappler.com

Claim: A photo showing the “Marawi rehabilitation project” of “Tatay Digong”, a nickname of President Rodrigo Duterte, is not reported by the mainstream media.

On October 6, the page “President Duterte Worldwide Supporters” posted a screenshot of an October 2 post of another page “Imee Marcos for Senator Movement” containing the photo.

The “Duterte Supporters” photo garnered at least 2,300 reactions, 63 comments, and 2,157 shares as of October 9.

The “Imee Marcos for Senator Movement” Facebook post appears to have been taken down already.

Rating: FALSE

The facts: It is not a photo of the ongoing rehabilitation projects in Marawi City.

A Google reverse image search of the screenshot leads to various results about post-disaster housing.

The specific photo is from themanual.com in a May 29 article titled “A Place to Call Home: The Innovative New Wave of Disaster Relief Housing.”

It is described as a Container Temporary Housing that was designed by Japanese firm Shigeru Ban Architects to provide housing for those affected by the 2011 earthquake and tsunamis in Japan.

The housing project is further described in Shigeru Ban’s website. The project is composed of 189 houses, and is described as “189 houses in Onagawa Town, Miyagi prefecture by proposing two-storied temporary houses by stacking containers for marine transport (20 ft) in a checkerboard pattern.” (translated from Japanese)

However, there is indeed a post-siege housing project in Marawi City. The project was inaugurated on March 1. Photos of the houses can be seen in Inquirer, Rappler, Philstar, MindaNews, and the Philippine Information Agency. 

— Miguel Imperial/Rappler.com

If you suspect a Facebook page, group, account, a website, or an article is spreading false information, let Rappler know by contacting us at factcheck@rappler.com. Let us battle disinformation one Fact Check at a time.

AT A GLANCE: 

• Philippine Online Gambling Operations (POGOs) are creating a ripple of economic development, particularly in the property and food sectors
• Locals are complaining about the high rental rates and rowdiness of some Chinese workers
• POGO girls required to wear skimpy clothes and the possibility of money laundering worry some industry insiders

MANILA, Philippines – A Filipina-looking dealer looks intently at the webcam, enticing bettors to place their bets. She does not speak, but smiles with her eyes as another voice in Mandarin speaks for her. 

She sports a revealing, black dress. There are even bunny ears to complete the whole Playboy look.

Players watch her from the laptop, while flirting with Lady Luck for high returns. In just a single click, cash comes in and out of their virtual wallets.

Welcome to the world of online gambling – the Chinese are hooked and Philippine shores have opened their arms to fuel their addiction.

Manila is in a frenzy because of the flowing cash, and the impact on the community is hot for chit-chats.

Game plan

Gambling is illegal in China and is heavily opposed by the communist government. Authorities have intensified crackdowns to serve as a stern warning.

To skirt this obstacle, gambling companies operate outside the mainland. 

“China has so much cash and many want to gamble. But gamblers need to travel abroad or to Macau,” said an expert on the matter who requested anonymity. 

With the emergence of online gambling, the Chinese simply log into a website and they can play the usual casino games like poker, roulette, and slot machines. 

Gaming companies that set up shop here are referred to as Philippine Online Gambling Operations (POGOs). 

According to the Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (Pagcor), they have authorized 57 POGOs to operate in the Philippines. (FAST FACTS: What you need to know about the Philippine casino industry)

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Most of POGO employees are Chinese, and most provide translation and IT support. Some webcam models are noticeably Filipina.

There is no clear data on just how many Chinese are employed in POGOs, but insiders estimated that the figure could range easily from 100,000 to 250,000. 

Rappler asked the Bureau of Immigration for official data, but has not gotten a response. 

Labor Secretary Silvestre Bello told a Senate inquiry on the influx of Chinese, that they have been able to issue some 25,000 work permits only.

The confusing statistics was raised recently by Senator Franklin Drilon in the budget deliberations of the labor department. (READ: Drilon questions DOLE statistics on foreigners working in PH)

Online gambling operations are not new in the Philippines, but came under the public radar only recently. 

POGOs previously had to go through investment promotional agencies like the Philippine Economic Zone Authority (PEZA) and Cagayan Economic Zone Authority (CEZA) to set up shop in the Philippines. 

However, President Rodrigo Duterte signed Executive Order (EO) No. 13 in 2016, transferring the responsibility of regulating POGOs to Pagcor.

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“So si President [Duterte] nag-ano sya ng EO 13 para i-strengthen 'yung fight against illegal online gambling. Ang unang-una niyang inayos is that 'yung jurisdictions ng mga government agencies,” senior manager for offshore gaming Victor Padilla Jr said.

(President Duterte signed EO 13 to strengthen the fight against illegal online gambling. He first fixed the jurisdictions of government agencies.)

Social cost

POGO companies pay for the accommodations of their employees and are willing to pay whatever landlords ask. The biggest winners are real estate sellers.

Various real estate selling pages on Facebook have been filled with inquiries by agents on where they can house POGO employees.

An agent’s post, which has since gone viral on Facebook, was even looking for 400 units in Muntinlupa that can house 3,000 workers for one year. 

An industry insider disclosed that they have also tested the threshold of just about how much the Chinese can accommodate price increases.

“They really are willing to pay. Sad to say, locals cannot afford the elevated rental rates,” the industry source said.

Hans Mann, who used to rent a condominium in the Bay Area, moved out after his landlord increased rental rates.

“Dati ang tinitirahan ko na P18,000 for 22 square meters, tinaasan na nila to P25,000 and sobrang unreasonable na, so lumipat ako,” Mann said. (I used to pay P18,000 a month for a 22-square meter unit, but they increased it to P25,000 and that's very unreasonable, so I moved out.)

He then learned that the new tenants were Chinese POGO employees.

According to a report by property firm Santos Knight Frank, residential rental rates in the Bay Area surged by a whopping 62.2% during the 2nd quarter of 2018 compared to the same period in 2017. This rate of increase is much faster compared to the other central business districts in Metro Manila. 

"This likewise raised the prices of mid-income projects in the Bay Area from the first quarter’s base rate of P123,000 per square meter to the astounding P165,000 per square meter in the 2nd quarter," the report said.

The report even said that other projects went as high as ₱240,000 per square meter. 

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Property firm Colliers International also had similar data for office spaces. Colliers even advised traditional offices to look for cheaper alternatives outside of Makati or the Bay Area.

“Government agencies and smaller companies, which are cost-sensitive, should look at office space in Ortigas or in Quezon City, which offer these rates at about 30% to 40% lower than the traditional C-B lease such as Makati, Fort Bonifacio, and Bay Area,” said Joey Bondoc, research manager of property firm Colliers.

Colliers also noticed that some projects in the Bay Area have scaled up and are among the more expensive in terms of their leasing launch projects.

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Exclusive subdivisions have also felt the Chinese appetite for space.

Sherry Yang (not her real name) disclosed that men working for what she assumed was a POGO company, were doing the rounds in her exclusive subdivision in Parañaque looking for big houses for their employees.

“They showed me a bag full of cash, I don’t know how much, but it was a big bag. They were going to pay in cash and in full and that shocked me,” Yang said. 

“I did not ask anymore what their business was, but I did not need the money anyway,” she added.

Yang has not heard nor seen the men again since their surprise proposal. But over the next couple of months, she started to notice change in her neighborhood.

“They walk in large groups and were escorted daily by vans to somewhere, I assume where they are working,” Yang said.

Yang also complained about some of the foreigners’ rowdiness. “I do not want to be racist at all, but they just do not care about the community where they are staying. They wake me up because they are so noisy,” she complained.

The homeowners’ association president of the village said they have not received any complaints from residents and have a “good relationship” with the foreigners. 

Property sectors' winning streak

The properties sector hit the jackpot with POGOs.

Property consultancy firm Pronove Tai reported that POGOs were able to take up some 51,000 square meters of office space as of the 2nd quarter of 2018 

POGO operations were concentrated in the Bay Area in Parañaque (47%) and Makati (38%).

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Pronove Tai also noted that Las Piñas and Pasig City are the fastest growing districts for POGO offices.

Building owners are also happy with the Chinese, since they seldom negotiate for rental rates.

“We’ve seen that some of these POGOs do not need to negotiate. That’s why there’s been that push I guess, between the IT-BPM (Information and technology-business process management) sector and the POGO sector. There’s the competition,” said Monique Cornelio, Pronove Tai CEO.

The condominiums near POGO offices also got their generous slice of cash.

Colliers reported that residential condominiums near offices got as much as a 94% occupancy rate. 

Pre-selling condominiums or those still being constructed already had a sure take-up of almost 80%.

“This is just an illustration of how the offshore gaming industry really drives residential demand across the country's capital,” said Bondoc of Colliers.

Because of the impressive numbers, Bondoc recommended that developers “devote leasing units that will primarily cater to Chinese nationals employed by offshore gaming companies.” 

Property giant Ayala Land Inc (ALI) reported that their sales take-up by foreigners grew by 32% in 2017 to P41.6 billion.

Foreigners accounted for 24.5% of ALI’s total sales take-up last year, of which 49.4% are Chinese.

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Sin city

Most Chinese employed in POGOs are there to simply translate or provide tech support.

Those seen on the websites and who act as dealers are mostly Filipinas who wear skimpy clothes.

Industry insiders admitted that the “sexy and sinful vibe” is “inevitable” in the gambling industry. 

“May ibang naiilang talaga na empleyado kasi halimbawa diyan sa Makati, POGOs share the building with other companies tapos may mga babaeng nagpapa-sexy. 'Yung iba naiilang kasi parang nagiging red light district ang vibes,” the insider said.

(Some employees are uncomfortable, like there in Makati, where POGOs share the building with other companies, then there are women wearing sexy clothes. Some are uncomfortable because they send out a red light district vibe.)

The source was, however, quick to say that it is “all show” and the women on the livestream are not exploited.

“We do a regular check and inspect the offices, and of course we strongly suggest that the women are dressed appropriately. Be sexy, but not too much,” Padilla said.

When asked about the possibility of POGOs paving the way for fraud and money laundering, Padilla said that they have systems in place to ensure this does not happen.

He said that POGOs have their own know-your-customer (KYC) system and other security measures. Fund limits are also in place, as account holders don’t use their accounts to park funds.

Economic jackpot

While POGOs are not the new kid on the block, industry insiders said their impact was felt just recently under Duterte, who has warmed ties with the Chinese. 

Pagcor was able to collect some $1.6 billion for various fees from POGOs in 2017.

The agency even aimed to rake in P6 billion for 2018. Padilla said they will likely surpass this year's target.

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The gambling regulator gets 2% of the gross gaming revenues of POGOs. The funds would then be used for Pagcor's programs.

Padilla also pointed out that POGOs provide jobs to many Filipinos.

Old and new buildings in Makati have found new life and now house Chinese restaurants. Businesses have also mushroomed in the vicinity of POGO operations. 

Joyce Manderio, a waitress of a Chinese restaurant in Makati, said the owners changed their business plans to lure foreigners. 

“Muntik na kami magsara, pero nakakuha yata ng pera si sir para palitan ang menu at karatula. Tapos ‘yun na, buhay na ulit,” she said. (The restaurant almost closed, but my boss was able to get money to change the menu and signage. From there, business was thriving again.)

From serving breakfast meals like the local tapsilog, the restaurant now serves affordable noodles and dim sum, which also appeal to the Chinese.

Even existing businesses jumped in and are riding the waves of cash. Several restaurants in SM Mall of Asia (MOA), which is in the Bay Area, have a menu in Mandarin to cater to their growing foreign market.

Some shops have also started accepting payment through We Chat, a popular messaging app in mainland China.

High rollers' risks

While there may be a rally now, POGOs themselves have their own headwinds to worry about. 

Pronove Tai said that some of their POGO clients are not expanding as much as before.

Cornelio noted the crackdown on Philweb, which affected some POGOs that did not have Pagcor licenses then.   

“Before they’re under the radar, 2003 up to 2017. Okay, it’s quiet, they were living their own lives. Just like any other office user. Then came this, not controversy, but basically with Philweb right? So that shook them,” Cornelio said. 

While businesses can tune out from the political noise, Cornelio noted that the abrupt change of rules created some wariness. 

“It’s creating a sense of uncertainty which the business sector does not want to see. If we can have something that is very straightforward, and we know at least we can make our 5-year plan, nothing’s going to change, that’s a lot better for business, right? But in terms of what is going to change next year, that’s where it’s becoming difficult,” she said.

Duterte’s EO 13 which transfers the regulatory powers from investment promotion agencies to Pagcor can be thrown out by the next president or even Duterte himself since it did not pass through Congress.

The cash from POGOs comes with both perks and risks. Insiders are undecided on whether or not the business associated with gambling and its concomitant sins are all good for the Philippine economy. – Rappler.com

CEBU CITY, Philippines – October 4 was supposed to be a big day for crime fighting in Cebu province. After a drought in operations that extended for months for the Central Visayas command, police director Chief Superintendent Debold Sinas decided to hold a one-time, big-time operation.

No law violator – whether of the smoking ban or the carrying of illegal drugs – was spared in the region-wide purge. By the end of the day, cops had handcuffed 200 suspects and seized millions of pesos-worth of illegal drugs. 

But the regional command's success was set to be spoiled.

Earlier that morning, a slaughter was happening in Cebu City, the regional center. Before the sun rose over the city's mountain barangay of Malubog, 5 bloodied bodies sprawled lifeless across the crime scene.

The incident happened just 200 meters from a police detachment, and one of the survivors claimed that the shooters were cops who kidnapped them and brought them to the remote village for what appeared to be an execution.

When news broke, Sinas immediately denied in a press conference the involvement of cops, local reports said. The chief of the Cebu City Police Office, Senior Superintendent Royina Garma, was silent.

High-profile cases 

It's another killing on another day in the capital city, whose mayor, Tomas "Tommy" Osmeña, himself declared the jurisdiction a "criminal city" that's "not so safe."

His hypothesis: it's because of the cops.

Osmeña said the rise in killings happened with the arrival of Sinas and Garma. The new regional chief of police came on June 4; the city chief, on July 1. 

“It definitely started when they came into the picture…. I look at them (cops) as part of the problem, not the solution, and they themselves are the suspects,” Osmeña said in an interview with Rappler last September 12.

The mayor's accusation is not completely baseless. Since the two top cops took the helm of peace and order implementation in the region and the city, there has been an upsurge in high-profile and sensational cases, mostly related to drugs. 

In the span of a month in Garma and Sinas' watch, an agent of the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency, a cop, and a businesswoman were killed in different neighborhoods in Cebu City. In an anti-drug operation in one of the poor villages, a 4-year-old boy was killed by a stray bullet.

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Police talk back

Cebu City police chief Garma dismissed Osmeña's accusation.

The killings, she pointed out in an interview on September 13, happened outside of police operations, and investigations have not implicated cops – unlike in Metro Manila, she said, where killings have been linked to cops by multiple human rights and news outlet probes.

Garma said the killings are difficult to prevent because most of them are murders – premeditated and planned. During her first two months, the city police recorded a total of 19 murder cases and 4 homicides.

And these murders, Garma said, have not pointed to any pattern for the authorities to pursue.

“You will see that there’s drug involvement, they have enemies (political and business), personal grudges – and these are things that we do not know about. The police only learn about these once the victim is dead,” Garma said in a mix of English and Filipino.

Osmeña has linked Garma to the killings because she used to head the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) of Cebu province.

The post is now occupied by her classmate at the Philippine National Police Academy, Senior Superintendent Lito Patay – known in Metro Manila to have headed the Batasan Hills police station in Quezon City, which racked up killings in anti-drug operations. 

A longtime Davao cop, Garma got on the bad side of Osmeña when, barely a month into her stint, an alleged ambush attempt was mounted against the mayor's political ally, ex-barangay Jessielou Cadungog, on July 30. The alleged assailant shot down by Cadungog's bodyguard turned out to be a cop: Police Officer III Eugene Calumba.

At the same time, Garma is a co-respondent of President Rodrigo Duterte in lawyer Jude Sabio's complaint of crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court. The complaint specifically accused Garma of "oversee[ing] and supervis[ing] the death squad operations in [the] war on drugs" in Davao City, when she was station commander. 

During her first days of office in Cebu City, she announced that she would be using the Davao “template” in fighting crime, which involved intensified enforcement of local laws.

Patay declined an interview, while Sinas has not responded to interview requests.

Rise in killings since Duterte became president

While high-profile cases were recorded only upon Sinas and Garma's arrival, the number of killings involving ordinary citizens and linked to drugs had been on the rise in the prior months.

Data from the Cebu City Police Office show the numbers shot up since President Rodrigo Duterte assumed office in July 2016.

From 5 killings in June 2016, the figure jumped to 16 in July, then 28 in August.

This was the time the Philippine National Police rolled out Oplan Double Barrel across the country, and would eventually lead to having at least 33 killed daily in the Philippines.

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At the time, Osmeña, a returning veteran mayor, was enthusiastic to command his cops. And he delivered.

“In the first days, we moved very aggressively, and we killed the first two drug lords in the Philippines and 9 out of the most wanted in the most wanted in the drugs list we got,” Osmeña recounted.

He was referring to the operations done by his vetted cops: then-Cebu City police chief Senior Superintendent Benjamin Santos Jr and Central Visayas Regional Director Patrocinio Comendador.

During the first few days of the campaign, Osmeña gave rewards to cops who killed drug suspects in the line of duty.

Two weeks into Duterte's presidency, however, the mayor noticed a rise in drug-related killings in Cebu, and his two trusted cops were replaced by the national headquarters. Santos in the city was replaced by Senior Superintendent Joel Doria, and Comendador in the region by Chief Superintendent Noli Taliño.

In practice, mayors can pick from a short list from the PNP national headquarters who will become his city's chief of police. This was apparently not observed in the case of Cebu City. 

So when the new cops arrived, Osmeña halted his salary-giving program and reward system for cops who were able to kill drug suspects.

Doria worked silently on his own programs, most popular of which was Oplan Pokemon. It brought down the number of killings resulting from police operations, until he left in June 2018.

While the killings dropped during his time, however, their number continued to float above the rate of killings before Duterte's drug war was launched in the city. From January to June in 2016, the police recorded 32 killings in Cebu City. Within the same months in 2018, they recorded 69.

Paralyzing politics?

While cops and local officials want to tame, if not stop, the killings, they are far from confronting the problem together.

Cebu City is a metropolis at the center of a country that is a drugs transshipment point.

On one side of this coastal capital is Mayor Osmeña, publicly accusing cops of being involved in the drug-related killings, and sharing on his Facebook page the death threats he receives.

On the other is the political opposition, led by Cebu City Vice Mayor Edgar Labella, standing by the cops and even staging a solidarity rally for them in one of Cebu’s key plazas.

Labella is poised to run against Osmeña for Cebu mayor in the 2019 elections.

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While the cops naturally gravitate toward the supportive opposition, their city chief Garma admits they still need the favor of Osmeña.

After all, as the mayor, Osmeña controls the funds for their daily expenses. And despite the public word war with the police, Osmeña has not pulled out funds from their police stations, Garma said.

She does not know if Osmeña would ever pull out his support from the city police, as he has done the same with barangays allied with his opposition.

“Sa ayaw o sa gusto natin, may politics. Ang tanong lang, how intense,” Garma said. (Whether we like it or not, there is politics. The question now is how intense.) 

However intense the politics may be, if the killings continue, all of them lose.

Asked where they plan to bring the drug war, the city's chief of police and the mayor gave differing answers.

Garma said she plans to launch a campaign for Cebuanos to be more careful. "We can only do this through informational activities, for people to be more careful of their personal affairs and business lives."

She has also publicized her phone number for locals to report crime directly to her.

Mayor Osmeña, meanwhile, is not so sure anymore.

"I don't know. Usually, the mayor has answers to everything but this one," he said. "I will have the answers, but right now, I don't know." – Rappler.com

After more than two years and an estimated 23,518 deaths under investigation, Rappler tells the story of Rodrigo Duterte's drug war from the eyes of the killers.

In early 2017, the Philippine National Police (PNP) arrested members of a vigilante gang suspected of preying on drug suspects and criminals in Tondo, Manila. The group was a local chapter of the Confederate Sentinels Group (CSG), a national volunteer organization that the police had officially accredited as force multipliers. 

Rappler’s 6-month investigation shows strong indications that the police were outsourcing extrajudicial killings to the same vigilante gang they accused of murder. According to individuals with knowledge of CSG Tondo Chapter 2’s activities, officials of the PNP coordinated with vigilantes, took credit for murders, and on occasion paid for assassinations in the name of the war against drugs.

This sixth of seven stories, published in installments, includes on-the-record testimony from community members as well as two of the CSG’s self-confessed vigilantes. At their request, Rappler has changed or withheld their names for their own safety. Angel and Simon are not their real names. 

Village 105 is Duterte country, the sprawling slum where Rodrigo Duterte won when he ran for president in 2016. His more ardent supporters included the village chairperson Leny Reyes herself, now on her second elected term after her husband passed her the baton on hitting the nine-year maximum.

The village is where shanties built from plywood crowd each other inside the hollow shells of old tenements. Teenagers crouch sniffing solvent inside burnt-out buildings. Outside, on the sodden passages that pass for streets, piles of leftovers scavenged from the back alleys of fast food joints are packaged for resale at about P50 or a dollar a bag. 

105 is where it is possible for a 22-year-old to knife five people without once getting caught, and where a man could watch a murder one evening and get shot in his living room the next. It is also where police claimed a vigilante group had run havoc in the first few months of the war on drugs, killing at least 4, including a 16-year-old boy named Charlie Saladaga.

Tondo, said Reyes, is no more violent than other places in the country. Drugs can be found anywhere, and Village 105 was no different. There may be runners and dealers living in the shanties, but she assured the public that they counsel the suspects who are known. 

"As our President said, 'If you want to change, go home to your provinces,’” said Reyes. 

For Reyes, 105 became a more peaceful place in the two years since a strongman from the south took his seat in Malacañang Palace. Reyes said she could count in one hand the number of people murdered in the last two years. 

“It’s why we thank the President,” she said. “We see how things got better here. He did a lot for us. Not that I think he can hear me, but big thanks to him. First to God, second to him.”  

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'PEACEFUL.' A sign for Village 105 hangs over the entrance to Happyland. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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Allegations that an active vigilante team had been operating unchecked under Reyes’ watch aroused little concern from the chairperson. 

“What they’re saying, about the killers, yes there were killers,” Reyes told Rappler. “But there are snakes everywhere, aren’t there? Even in Makati or other places they’re there. That’s why I said, when night comes, people should be inside their homes. If you have nothing to do, don’t wander around. That’s what I say. God made the night for sleep, the day to work, right? So things like that wouldn’t happen if people just stayed quiet in their own homes.” 

A variety of Rappler's sources spoke of what they called close ties between the local administration of Village 105 and the allegedly violent killing arm of CSG Tondo Chapter 2, led by Ricardo Villamonte, alias Commander Maning. 

There were residents who said Reyes was in constant contact with members at the height of the killings. Some believed she was involved in the CSG’s founding. Others were more careful: “The funny thing is that wherever the chairman is, the CSG are too.”

"Commander Maning was her bodyguard,” said Simon, a resident who described himself as a CSG vigilante when he spoke to Rappler. (Commander Maning has denied employment with the chairperson.)

Angel, another self-confessed CSG vigilante, said that “Reyes had a connection with the CSG.” 

“The CSG worked with 'Madame,' the village captain,” said a former hitman, who was once part of a gang targeted by CSG Tondo Chapter 2. 

Another man, working in the village hall at the time CSG Tondo Chapter 2 was actively recruiting, said it was Reyes who tried to bring him into the group and gave him the uniform shirt. (Reyes refused to answer further questions when approached a second time by Rappler.)

Reyes denied employing members of CSG Tondo Chapter 2, or any direct association with the group. She claimed her only official contact was a courtesy call in her office – “They said, ‘Chairman, we are the CSG, and our goal is peace’” – as well as a meeting at the Police Community Precinct at Smokey Mountain. The meeting was at the invitation of a police officer whose name she could not recall. 

Sources told Rappler it was the police who actively recruited members of CSG Tondo Chapter 2. 

Reyes said she was introduced to Commander Maning. She said she saw the CSG patrolling with the police. She said she had been told by the precinct that the CSG meant to build an outpost along Road 10. She said she had no knowledge of the CSG’s activities, as the territory she covered was so large that she was “unable to monitor every home and building.” 

She said she knows nothing of their events, including CSG-sponsored welfare missions. (Photos from August 2016, however, showed Reyes present at a CSG Tondo medical mission, posing beside a uniformed Captain Jomar Cardozo of PCP Smokey Mountain, with Commander Maning standing close by.)

While Reyes was vague about her relationship with Commander Maning and the rest of CSG Tondo Chapter 2, she was clear where she thought blame for the death of Charlie Saladaga lay. 

His death, said Reyes, was his mother’s own fault. 

“Let me tell you about that boy,” Reyes began. 

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KAPITANA. Village 105 Chairperson Leny Reyes sits in front of a bank of CCTV monitors at the village hall in 105 Proper. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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In December 2016, by Reyes’ reckoning, the 16-year-old Charlie and at least two of his friends broke into the home of a local village official. According to Reyes, the young men stole computers and “everything they could get their hands on.” 

The teenagers were caught, but Charlie managed to escape. 

Reyes has four sons, all of them professionals, all college graduates, each one employed, one of them working in Stanford Hospital in the United States, another a nurse in Norway. It all depends on the parents. Living in Tondo doesn't mean immersion in drugs and violence. "Sometimes it's the mother, she's negligent," she said. "You need to look after your kids."   

Had Cristina Saladaga been a dutiful mother, said Reyes, Charlie would be alive. 

“You’re the mother and you didn’t look out for him,” Reyes said.

(Cristina Saladaga once acknowledged to the media her son had been accused of robbery, but denied it was true. Rappler has been unable to reach the Saladaga family, whom neighbors say are in hiding.)

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<p class="caption">CHARLIE. A screengrab from CNN Philippines shows a policeman holding up the crime scene photo shot on the discovery of Charlie Saladaga's body.</p>
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The alleged vigilantes who spoke to Rappler said Charlie was notorious in Village 105. They said he was a housebreaker, a thief, a young punk who did what he liked and felt up women when he could. “We caught him again and again, even before I was CSG,” said Simon. He added Charlie had been warned many times.

“That kid was trouble,” said Angel. “Neighbors complained. He was stealing, snatching in the highway." 

But Charlie wasn’t on the list of people the CSG was targeting to kill. "That might have been personal." 

“Personal” meant Charlie had never been part of the police kill list allegedly disseminated by Commander Maning. (Commander Maning denied any involvement in summary executions.) 

Charlie's murder, said sources, was a side job for CSG members – “Some neighbor was probably pissed because they lost a lot when Charlie stole from them,” Angel said. “So they paid, two, maybe three thousand.”

The murder was discussed in the days after his death, particularly since Charlie’s 14-year-old sister saw his abductors grab Charlie from the corner of Capulong near the CSG outpost at past 5 in the afternoon of January 1, 2017. Simon said Charlie was taken to the outpost. None of the killers hid their faces. 

“I told them that was their mistake,” said Simon. “They should have known they would be recognized – why’d you grab him without wearing bonnets?”

The murder of Charlie Saladaga caused little consternation among the members of CSG Tondo Chapter 2.  

“It was nothing,” said Angel. “The CSG were bragging. They were saying, ‘Look what happened. Which punk is next? Who else is left?’”

It is not the only time there have been documented accusations that the police have ordered the extrajudicial killing of drug suspects. Der Spiegel, Al Jazeera and the BBC each interviewed alleged assassins who claimed to take orders from unnamed policemen. In January 2017, Amnesty International released a report saying that some drug-related deaths were the result of police “hiring paid killers.”

According to Angel, the vigilantes of CSG Tondo Chapter 2 were not the first to act as the killing arm of President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs. “There are other organizations,” said Angel. “Tondo is just one of them…Tondo was late killing people. Quezon City was first.”

Angel does not regret the killings, only the fact that sometimes, the wrong people like Charlie got killed. He said the CSG collapsed because the group failed to vet its own assassins.

Commander Maning, said Angel, was making money as criminals infiltrated the chapter. Guns for hire, dealers, drug addicts – “They kept recruiting just about anyone” – were invited into the brotherhood in its last months before the PNP raided the outpost. 

“They got to be legends,” Angel said of the more notorious members of the CSG. “That’s what happened. They got to be famous where we lived, but the truth was that nothing happened, it was all about money. So the police would maybe give you money, but the real goal, we never succeeded.”

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HOME. A young girl stands just outside the entrance of a tenement in Vitas, Tondo, Manila. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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In the course of investigating this story, Rappler interviewed four self-confessed killers, two of them alleged members of CSG Tondo Chapter 2, two others reformed criminals who once knifed rivals and fleeced jeepney passengers for a week's worth of drug money.

The men spoke of the rising cost of living and the struggle to send children to school. They talked of going to Church and courting girlfriends and the danger of illegal drugs. All of them spoke of murder with casual dismissiveness, as many others did in a village where seven-year-olds race to see fresh corpses.  

"The cops killed my brother two years ago," said one of the killers. "He was a dealer, so I guess he deserved it."

Simon said the murder of Charlie Saladaga was a mistake. 

"They should have surrendered him first," he said, "because even if you say he's a troublemaker, he didn't have a fighting chance. It's the drug lords we should have been killing. Those feel good to kill. The addicts, it feels good to kill them too. But the ones just taking drugs, they're just victims. Unless of course we catch you in the act taking drugs – that makes you a target."

In Village 105, talk of murder revolved mostly around whether the dead deserved it. Sitoy died because he was an addict and a hitman. Toyo died because he was a drug dealer. Sixteen-year-old Charlie Saladaga, whose death became national news and disbanded CSG Tondo Chapter 2, died "because he was a troublemaker."

He was warned, said the vigilantes. He was trouble, said the village chief. There were people who were happy when he was killed, said one clerk at the village hall. Even Charlie's mother tearfully told reporters that her son was no thief, as if lifting some neighbor's television mattered after a bullet smashed into the cheek of a 16-year-old boy. 

Chairperson Leny Reyes said the CSG Tondo Chapter 2 no longer exists. She refused to categorically say if accusations of murder had basis, but was quick to assign responsibility to the police.

“In the first place, [the CSG outpost] is just beside the police precinct,” she said. “If the cock crows, it’s the cops who’ll hear the crowing long before we do.”  – Rappler.com

PART 1 | 'Some People Need Killing'
PART 2 | 'The Cops Were Showing Off'
PART 3 | 'Get It From The Chief'
PART 4 | 'What Did The CSG Do Wrong?'
PART 5 | 'I Finish The Job'

To be concluded: PART 7 | 'It's War'

Editor's Note: All quotes in Filipino have been translated into English. Rappler filed two Freedom of Information requests with the Manila Police District for case folders pertaining to investigations on murders allegedly committed by CSG Tondo Chapter 2. There has been no response. Rappler also requested an interview with former Manila Police District Director Joel Coronel. There has been no response as of publication. 

On October 8, four days after the publication of this series' first story, Philippine National Police Chief Oscar Albayalde dared any witnesses of vigilante killings to file affidavits and testify about police involvement. "We'll be very much willing to investigate that," he said at a press briefing in Camp Crame. The police chief earlier denied Rappler's request for an interview. 

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Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano is keeping silent after President Rodrigo Duterte announced on Tuesday evening, October 9, that his top diplomat will resign to run for Congress.

Cayetano has not replied to Rappler’s request for comment, while the Department of Foreign Affairs has not issued a statement as of 2 pm on Wednesday, October 10, about Duterte’s remarks.

But in the evening of October 8, Cayetano posted on Facebook a cryptic photo with the President.

The photo shows Cayetano seated beside Duterte and shaking the President’s hand. It appeared to be a private meeting with Duterte, in a room separate from where Cabinet meetings take place. 

Along with this photo was another picture of Cayetano speaking with Special Assistant to the President Bong Go, who is also set to resign because he will run in the 2019 elections. 

Cayetano posted these photos with the following caption:

Commit to the LORD whatever you do, and HE will establish your plans
Proverbs 16:3 

30th Cabinet Meeting.
GOD works in mysterious ways! 
Victorious, interesting and exciting day!

GOD Bless President Duterte! 
GOD Bless The Philippines! 

Was this a sign of things to come? – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The country's inflation rate rose from 6.4% in August to 6.7% in September 2018, according to the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA).

September's inflation rate is the highest in over 9 years. It was also the 9th consecutive monthly inflation rate increase, which started in January 2018. (EXPLAINER: How inflation affects you)

The government's economic managers and some businessmen have said the recent inflation levels are "mere hiccups" and are "manageable."

Some have even attempted to compare the inflation rates against past administrations, to justify the current levels. (READ: [ANALYSIS] Viral misconceptions about inflation, how to debunk them)

Inflation under past presidents

In using historical inflation data, the base year of the data should be taken into account.

The base year serves as the reference or benchmark "to which a continuous series of index numbers can be related," and at which "the [CPI] is taken as equal to 100," explained the PSA.

Data with the same base year are comparable to each other.

"The CPI is used because it is meaningless to assign a peso value to the basket of goods and services," said economist JC Punongbayan. He added that the base year changes from time to time because the components of the basket of goods change over time as well.

To illustrate the effect of base years on the data, here is a graph showing the inflation rates from January 1986 to September 2018 under different base years:

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As of this posting, current PSA data on inflation are computed using base year 2012. Inflation data for this base year was from 2013 onwards. Until June 2018, the PSA also used base year 2006.

To make inflation data comparable across all years, the PSA has "backcasted" or recomputed inflation data using base year 2012.

Here is a graph of the annual inflation rate since 1958.

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Notice the high inflation rates recorded in the 1970s and 1980s, during the time of then-president Ferdinand Marcos. The earlier ones were fueled by various factors like the devaluation of the peso, massive government spending, skyrocketing world oil prices, and a series of typhoons.

The peak annual inflation rate of 49.8% in 1984 (50.3% using base year 2006) was due to "Marcos' pernicious policy of debt-driven growth and crony capitalism," said Punongbayan. (READ: [ANALYSIS] Golden age? Inflation reached 50% during the Marcos regime)

There was also high inflation during the latter end of the Cory Aquino administration, when monthly inflation rates soared above 20% in 1991. That year's annual inflation rate stood at 19.4%.

"Remember that the Philippines was coming from a time of economic crisis back in the mid-1980s," explained Punongbayan. He added that Cory Aquino's administration was rocked by a power crisis, multiple coup attempts, and a series of natural disasters.

In the years that followed, Punongbayan said the government implemented better economic management, aided by reforms in the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), the country's central bank. 

Section 3 of Republic Act 7653 or the New Central Bank Act, signed in 1993, stated that the BSP's primary objective is "to maintain price stability conducive to a balanced and sustainable growth of the economy. It shall also promote and maintain monetary stability and the convertibility of the peso."

Punongbayan also pointed out that in 2002, the BSP formally adopted "inflation targeting" or the announcement of an inflation target, with the promise "to achieve it over a given time period."

"Under inflation targeting, the central bank compares actual headline inflation against inflation forecasts. The central bank uses various monetary policy instruments at its disposal to achieve the inflation target," explained the BSP.

Meanwhile, the last double-digit monthly inflation rate recorded was in September 2008, when it hit 10.1% (using base year 2012) under the Arroyo administration. Before that, it was 10.2% in July and 10.5% in August also in 2008.

(But using base year 2000, it was higher at 12.3% in July, 12.4% in August, and 11.8% in September.)

Punongbayan said this coincided with the global rice crisis. In the few months after that, inflation rates went down because of an influx of rice imports and the global financial crisis, which slowed down overall economic growth. The annual inflation was eventually recorded at 8.2% in 2008.

Under the Duterte administration, Punongbayan said in an opinion piece that the country's high inflation rates are caused not just by rising world oil prices.

Other factors also contribute to it, such as the effect of the tax reform law on the price of petroleum products, the weakening peso, and people's expectations of inflation. – Rappler.com

Read other Rappler reports and analysis on inflation:

• IN CHARTS: Carinderia, sari-sari store owners feel pinch of inflation
• More Filipinos unhappy with Duterte gov't handling of inflation – poll
• Duterte may issue EO to address inflation
• Rappler Talk: Economist Emmanuel de Dios on soaring inflation under Duterte
• LOOK: Cooking pinakbet under sizzling inflation
• [ANALYSIS] Mere hiccups? Let’s be more honest about the economy
• IN CHARTS: What your P100 can buy under runaway inflation
• Government should worry about sky-high inflation – economists

AT A GLANCE:

• Rehab professionals believe that many Filipinos suffer from online gambling addiction due to easy access in the country, but only a few seek professional help
• Weak internet infrastructure and limited jursidiction hinder Pagcor from enforcing measures to prevent access to other foreign online casinos
• Support from the government, as well as the health sector, is needed to strengthen health services to better address gambling addiction

READ: Gambling addiction: How the Philippines prevents, handles 'problem gamers'

MANILA, Philippines – It all started with an e-mail from PlayOJO, an online casino game registered in the United Kingdom. “You have three bonus spins!” it read. 

Maybe it was the morning sickness, depression, or boredom which made Ann (not her real name)*, housewife and parent, click on the ad. The virtual slot machine was easy money, and her winnings quickly amounted to an equivalent of P100,000 in less than a month. The money, however, went down the drain as easily as she got it.

But Ann went on to sign up for 20 more online casinos. It took a toll on her duties and family relationships. For a time, Ann admitted, she suffered from online gambling addiction.

There are currently no available data on the number of Filipinos addicted to online casino games, due to its mobile nature and the lack of legal jurisdiction in the country. However, psychologists and rehabilitation professionals believe that there are a number of Filipinos suffering silently.

While the Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (Pagcor) prohibits its 55 offshore gaming licensees from offering services and allowing access to Filipinos, unlicensed gambling websites from other countries are just as accessible as other regular websites.

“If Facebook can do it to your phone, it’s the same with gambling. Until you’ve realized [that] you’ve lost something,” Ann said.

Hidden addiction

Pagcor defines gaming as the “participation in gambling events” – not limited to casino games –  which involves wagers in predicting gaming outcomes.

It usually only takes a minimum deposit of $20, or $50 for some, to join any online gambling outfit, making it easier to lure users into spending huge amounts without them noticing.

According to psychologist Randy Dellosa, online gambling is a “hidden addiction.” 

Hundreds of gaming sites are available on the internet, amplified by advertisements that draw people of all ages to try and gamble.

“When it comes to numbers, it will always be under-reported…It’s online, which means nobody can track them. And then there’s a thin line between gambling online or physically as a leisure activity, as compared to [substance] addiction,” Dellosa said.

Dellosa, also the team leader of Life Change Recovery Center accredited by Pagcor, noted that their rehab center gets in a year only about 10 to 12 clients who have been addicted to online gaming. He believes there are more who are suffering the same.

In Baguio, 60% of Kaya Rehab clients are enrolled specifically for gambling addiction. 

“It’s also difficult to see it as an illness from the outside primarily because it’s legal, the ambience where it occurs is that of fun, excitement, socialization – it’s a leisure activity,” Dellosa said. 

For Dunn*, a rehab patient who has had a 17-year history of gambling, gambling addiction will only “get worse” with online gaming.

Gamblers rely on the chance of winning little to huge amounts. Most times, losing does not hinder gamblers from playing – rather, it compels them to recover losses until they win again.

Online gaming makes this cycle easier.

“Online gambling is just like having a wallet in your pocket right now and just waiting for the money to come in. Easy. Just pull out your cellphone, and you gamble already right away,” he said.

High rewards, higher risks

Under Pagcor’sOffshore Gaming regulations, Filipino citizens, both here and abroad, are not allowed to play under any offshore gaming company licensed in the country. This is monitored by checking the player’s registration information.

Offshore gaming websites should also be inaccessible within the country, via IP blocking certificates. Back-end sites, however, can still be accessed, with some allowing free trial of their services.

While this may be considered “harmless” as Filipinos cannot continue gaming anyway, it poses a danger to unsuspecting users who end up searching and venturing into more accessible portals.

Moreover, scam online gaming websites continue to float in the internet. Without any legal jurisdiction, money gone from these sites is impossible to retrieve.

Ann, for instance, faced a scam-scare after playing on a Curacao-licensed online casino. The casino declined all cash-out requests and suggested other withdrawal options that obliged her to pay minimum deposits ranging from $5 to $500.

It took a month before the casino finally paid out. The same thing happened with another online casino, 1XBet, whose reviews said the same thing: scam.

Gamblers are also at risk of identity theft.

Online casino operators require proof of personal documents such as valid IDs, passport, and credit card bank statements. Married users may be required to present their spouse’s personal documents as well.

While this may be a necessary step for verification, it gives offshore operators – legal or not – access to personal information that can be used for other purposes unknown to the player.

Tighter local regulations sought

Technically, engaging in online games is legal unless operated by a Philippine-licensed offshore company, a senior offshore gaming official from Pagcor said.

Accessible online gaming sites are beyond Pagcor’s jurisdiction. According to them, they can only report incidents to proper government agencies such as the Office of the President, Philippine National Police, National Bureau of Investigation or the Bureau of Immigration, if foreigners are involved.While Pagcor hopes to prevent the proliferation of online gambling, weak internet infrastructure and limited regulations provide loopholes that allow Filipinos to access online gaming portals.Unlike other countries, the Philippines does not have strict mandates against gambling.

In the US, the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006 prohibits gambling companies from accepting deposits from wagers through the internet. This moved offshore gaming companies to immediately drop US players from gaming transactions.

At the end of the day, the agency cannot fully block all unlicensed gaming websites. The agency gave assurances, however, that they have entered into an agreement with respective agencies to help curb illegal online gaming activities in the country. 

A way out: Exclusion, more rehab centers

Online gamblers can seek intervention through options within the games. PlayOJO, for instance, allows problematic players automatic or voluntary self-exclusion, where users are blocked from playing after a period of time.

Other casinos also enforce the responsible gaming option, where a deposit limit is set per session. 

Pagcor also encourages players to have themselves checked ataccredited rehab centers. However, the Philippines is still far behind in terms of dealing with a gambling addiction.

Kaya Rehab CEO Robert Labos said that treatment for gambling addiction should be different from that of substance addiction, but some medical professionals and institutions tend to mix both due to inadequate resources which, in turn, leads to poor success rates.

Support from the government and health professionals should be prioritized. 

“They have to have a good program that will address ’yung gambling addiction. They have to have the right therapist, right counselors, the right people, and then finally, they have to have the facility,” he added. – Rappler.com

Part 1: Crime City? Killings in Cebu rise as mayor, cops feud

CEBU CITY, Philippines – Tommy Osmeña has turned silent.

He used to be a bullish mayor, engaging even then-justice secretary Vitaliano Aguirre II in a word war. But he has stopped his weekly press conferences, where he expressed his take on issues concerning his city and country. He has also limited his public appearances.

Osmeña recently figured in the national spotlight; rather, he was dragged under its glare. President Rodrigo Duterte whipped him up during a speech in neighboring Mandaue City.

“Hoy Tomas!” began Duterte, who spoke in Cebuano. “This is not the time of the Spanish colonization. Who do you think you are? You speak so highly of yourself…as if you own Cebu. By what right? Just because you were a former president’s son or grandson?

Tomas “Tommy” Osmeña is, in fact, the grandson of former President Sergio Osmeña, the man with the dignified, slight smile on the P50 bill.

And while Tommy is, of course, not the owner of Cebu City, he has the mandate to look after it – like his own. It is, after all, his home, and many credit him for much of what Cebu is today.

Asked once where Cebu City is, a proud Osmeña replied: “It’s near the Philippines.”

The local boy

The contradiction in the 70-year-old Cebuano mayor’s life story, which he hates to admit, is that he grew up in Metro Manila. He studied in La Salle Green Hills until first-year high school, where he failed the Tagalog and Catechism classes. 

“I couldn’t stand those two things,” he explained, and so he transferred to the Jesuit-run Sacred Heart School in Cebu , where he could speak Cebuano and English all day.

Among the 5 children of the late Senator Sergio "Serging" Osmeña Jr, he was the only one to finish secondary school in the Philippines. He was asked if he wanted to study in the United States, and he responded, "I'm fine here."

His siblings, including former Senator Serge Osmeña III, studied in England. His youngest sister, Georgia, studied in the United States.

"I resented the fact that I was really second class among my brothers and sisters, but then I was exposed to my own world," Tomas Osmeña said.

He described himself as the “the local boy” among the Osmeña brood. That proved to be useful to the family, said his sister Maria “Minnie” Victoria Osmeña.

When their father Sergio Jr was campaigning, pragmatic Serge would crunch the numbers and strategize, charismatic Minnie would stand by as substitute in speeches and swap pleasantries with older officials, and there would be Tommy mingling with the crowd, trading stories with just about anyone.

The family had to pack up and leave Cebu years later in 1972, after Ferdinand Marcos defeated their father for presidency and declared Martial Law.

Tommy stayed in exile in the United States for 15 years, working first in his father's sales company SEROS, then at the Export-Import Bank of the United States as a financial analyst – an experience, he said, that was equivalent to taking "3 MBAs."

As his career flourished, he had to keep his bond alive with the high school sweetheart he left in the Philippines, Manileña banker Margot Vargas, sending her letters and making calls. Margot later came to visit him in the States when Marcos lifted the travel ban in 1980. They married later in the US in 1983.

When the dictatorship fell, Tommy was already flourishing in California as a property broker. But he and Margot never saw themselves settling down in the US, so Tommy first flew home to see what the regime had done to his Marcos-resistant hometown.

“I saw misery,” he said. "There was a lot of people who were poor, a lot of unemployment, the NPA (New People's Army) was very active. Everything, you know? The Marcoses were rotten, because the Marcoses punished Cebu," he said. 

As if by instinct, Osmeña went around the city, pulling in more people at every stop until there was a loud enough clamor for him to run for mayor.

Without a political party, Tommy won in the 1987 elections.

It was, he said, the beginning of his work towards making Cebuanos “proud” of their city once more, after challenging times under the Marcos years.

Young people’s ‘cool’ is critics’ ‘bully’

Since then, except for term limit breaks, he has shepherded Cebu City for a total of 19 years.

He has overseen the city’s business boom, with the 300-hectare south reclamation project as his centerpiece enterprise. Completed in 2005, this is where he now plans to house a 60-hectare "Call Center City" to keep up with the Philippines' BPO boom.

He’s popular among the youth, even outside of Cebu, for his hands-on engagement in his Facebook page. His personal mobile number is posted there to receive request and complaints from his constituents. As of September 2018, his FB page has 630,000 followers, and his phone receives 300 text messages a day.

Based on interactions on his virtual public service wall, he has acted on policy suggestions – from opening their local library 24/7 to building a skate park. There, he also shares personal updates – from meeting with Finance Secretary Sonny Dominguez in Manila to going out for a movie with Margot.

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While young people think he's cool, critics call him a “bully.”

He once ordered an inventory of vehicles issued by city hall to barangays. He then took back the ones from villages where his rivals won in the 2016 elections. When some barangay officials refused to return them vehicles, Tommy filed carnapping, malversation of public property, and corruption complaints against them. They were all eventually cleared by the Ombudsman. 

In the same Facebook page where he repeats his vow to serve Cebu City, he also lambasts his political enemies, branding them as “Team Suyop” (Team Drugs). He also openly criticizes cops and the Presidential Adviser for the Visayas Michael Dino.

“He tells people he dislikes to get out, even in private hotels…. He acts as if he owns Cebu,” Cebu City Councilor Joel Garganera, one of Osmeña’s critics, told Rappler in an interview.

Osmeña was not like this to his critics in his early years as mayor, the councilor said. Garganera even admitted to looking up to Osmeña as a leader.

Politics has taken its toll on the visionary, he said, and it showed a side of him that not everyone could easily take.

It is stories about this side of Mayor Osmeña that apparently reached the ears of President Duterte.

The Duterte link

Osmeña's relationship with Duterte was strained only recently. When they were both mayors – he of Cebu; Duterte, of Davao City – they often shared the stage and held mutual respect for each other.

In fact, they both shared a passion for going after illegal drugs.

“Before Duterte, what can I say? It (drugs) was all over the place. They’re selling it like juicy fruit chewing gum,” Osmeña said.

While Duterte has been said to be behind a death squad, Tommy publicly commanded his own “hunter team.”

Cops in police stations are too embedded in their communities – with crimininals and all – to be trusted, Osmeña explaned. So he created a “parallel” team to operate independently from the cops, who are caught up in their daily grind.

“I never ordered them to kill,” he said, addressing reports. He only asked them to kill if the criminals would “fight back” – a phrase already too familiar under the presidency of Duterte.

“They know the rules of engagement. Once you fall within that, you fight it out,” Osmeña said.

But unlike Duterte, who has the national police organization doing his bidding, Osmeña has found himself on the opposite side against law enforcers in Cebu City.

His hunter team has been dismantled, and his most trusted cop who once led it, Senior Police Officer 1 Adonis Dumpit, was gunned down in an anti-drug operation. While the sting was orchestrated by the National Bureau of Investigation, Osmeña nevertheless to cut ties with cops over the incident.

Where he used to post on Facebook photos of him with all-smiles men in blue, Osmeña has begun sharing death threats he receives, suggesting policemen are behind them.

Consumed by distrust for cops amid a rise in killings, Osmeña even called his hometown a “criminal city.”

Divided city council 

As Osmeña is treading carefully with security threats, he is also fending off a united opposition gearing up to unseat him in the 2019 elections.

The anti-Osmeña team is led by Cebu City Vice Mayor Edgar Labella, who used to be aligned with the mayor.

Osmeña currently leads the Liberal Party-allied Bando Osmeña-Pundok Kauswagan (BOPK), while Labella is the standard-bearer of Barug-PDP LABAN (formerly Team Rama), which, as its name suggests, is allied with President Duterte’s party.

At the top floor of Cebu City’s legislative building, councilors are split 7-7. Ex-officio members – the heads of the city's Sangguniang Kabataan and the Liga ng mga Barangay – are with Osmeña. One independent councilor favors his BOPK.

BOPK managed to get a firmer grip on Cebu City barangays from the 2018 polls, with 51 on their side, and 29 with Barug.

Why the neck-and-neck competition? In an interview with Rappler, Labella said he believes Cebuanos want to keep Osmeña and his party in check.

For opposition councilor Garganera, it's an indication that Tommy’s appeal – the son of Cebu who turned his back on a comfortable life abroad to serve his hometown – is waning.

“I want him to be like the Tommy Osmeña I used to know. That was before the internet…. Back then, there was no hatred in him,” said Garganera, who was a greenhorn barangay captain when Osmeña was a newbie mayor.

“Mayor Tommy, with all due respect, has been mayor since 1988. Now it's 2018,” Labella said, and Cebuanos want a new leader.

But Tommy Osmeña being Tommy Osmeña, the mayor is unfazed. Critics can call him whatever they want, he said. He only has one question for them: how come people vote for me?

“It’s not that I act as if I own Cebu. I’m the captain of the ship. I’m not the owner of the ship. When you’re captain of the ship, you captain the ship,” Osmeña said.

While the years of public service in the Philippines may have jaded him, the promdi eager to serve his city remains.

Osmeña says he does not care if he loses in 2019. He had lost before.

But for now, he is Tommy Osmeña the mayor. And he will run his city.

 – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) – Starting Thursday, October 11, aspirants for elective positions formalize their intentions to run in the May 2019 general elections.

All eyes will be on the offices of the Commission on Elections (Comelec) as national and local bets file their certificates of candidacy (COC). 

General guidelines

The period of filing of COCs is from October 11 to 12 and from October 15 to 17, from 8 am to 5 pm. 

COC forms are available at the Comelec offices or can be downloaded from the Comelec website.

The COC should be accomplished in 5 copies and personally filed by the candidate or through a duly-authorized representative. It should also be sworn to before a notary public or any official authorized to administer oath, except Comelec employees (even in their capacities as notary public).

There is no filing fee, but a P30 documentary stamp must be attached to the original copy of the COC. The documentary stamp tax number should be written on the rest of the copies.

Aspirants must attach a passport-size photograph taken within the last 6 months. They may also attach a bio-data, and his/her program of government not exceeding 100 words.

Except for independent candidates, the COC should be filed along with the sworn Certificate of Nomination and Acceptance (CONA) from the aspirant's political party or coalition.

COCs filed by mail, email, or fax will not be accepted.

A candidate can run for only one elective office.

Candidates who are dual citizens should declare in their COCs that they have renounced their foreign citizenship, in accordance with a recent Comelec resolution.

Where to file COCs

Any COC filed with the incorrect office shall be deemed not filed.

Appointive officials who filed their COCs will be deemed resigned from their posts and must vacate these "at the start of the day of the filing of COC," said Comelec.

The poll body has issued guidelines in Section 18 of Comelec Resolution No. 10420 in case there would still be filers present at the Comelec offices within the last 15 minutes of the last day of filing. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines (UPDATED) – Supreme Court Associate Justice Marvic Leonen, the consistent dissenter against President Rodrigo Duterte, seems to be leaning toward the executive department this time over the country's unilateral withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Leonen indicated on Tuesday, October 9, during the ICC oral arguments that the petitions questioning the withdrawal may have been filed too late, because the ICC, as well as the United Nations, have already accepted the withdrawal.

“The right time to file a petition would have been before (the withdrawal) was deposited, and in order for us to become a party again, we need to sign the treaty again, and we need to ratify again. As I said others may not want the political result, but this may be what our law requires,” Leonen said.

Leonen also said the Rome Statute, which created the ICC, does not make it clear if it’s possible to retract a withdrawal. Even if it does, the justice said it would cause the Philippines international embarrassment. (READ: Justice Carpio: Leaving the ICC will weaken Philippine stance vs China)

Citing a previous Supreme Court decision, Leonen said “the existence of a political question can occur if there is potential embarrassment in foreign relations, that was very clear.” Political question is usually invoked by the executive department if it doesn’t want its acts stepped on by the judiciary.

Leonen added that there are other provisions in the Rome Statute that allow for a withdrawal of a member country, which, the justice said, means the Philippines’ withdrawal does not violate jus cogens or the peremptory norm. In international law, jus cogens means a globally-acknowledged law that parties cannot turn away from.

“At best it is only an articulation of customary law,” Leonen said. (READ: International Criminal Court issue will mark Duterte presidency)

No to judicial dictatorship

Leonen practically guided Solicitor General Jose Calida through the one-hour long interpellation, providing all the answers for the government lawyer.

For a justice who has issued scathing dissents against Duterte-interest cases before, and who, at one point even called the Supreme Court an enabler of an “emboldened authoritarian” – referring to Duterte over martial law in Mindanao – Leonen seemed to want to just allow Duterte to use his own discretion on this one for now.

The reason? He wants to practice judicial restraint, and avoid turning the Court into “judicial dictators.”

“We are averse to the dictatorship of anybody, whether it be the president having the powers, or on the other hand, the judiciary as dictators,” Leonen said.

Under this concept, the Supreme Court, a non-elective body, is advised not to supersede the policies of the elected officials, policies which can be interpreted as being the same as the will of the people who elected them.  

“Between the executive and this Court, it is the executive that represents, the Court only interprets. None of us were elected by a majority in a free election. We have to keep in mind that our interpretation must always, that we always interpret the law and the Constitution with the caution that we can overturn or replace the discretion of a political agency,” the justice said.

To further explain himself, Leonen said that while the result of the restraint may not be what the justice wants, “the justice or the judge (must) be able to rule differently because that’s what the law or the Constitution says.”

Longtime debate

It is a debate that has confronted the Court ever since, and in fact, an issue that is asked of jurists applying for the Supreme Court even today.

During the term of former president Diosdado Macapagal, the chief executive slammed the Court for overturning his decision to fire one of his Cabinet members.

Macapagal’s justice secretary at the time, Juan Liwag, said he “dreaded to see the day the Supreme Court would virtually run the affairs of the government under the guise of judicial review.”

“Macapagal felt that way. How could the Supreme Court block his appointments, his choices of people to run the government, and with whom he was going to work to reform the economy and society? How could the unelected overrule a popularly elected official?” wrote veteran journalist Marites Vitug in her groundbreaking book, Shadow of Doubt: Probing the Supreme Court.

Just this August, Leonen was the lone dissent when the Supreme Court issued new rules allowing for a precautionary Hold Departure Order or HDO, the reason being, that it amounted to judicial legislation.

On Tuesday, Leonen once again ventured into that. The justice reiterated that it's better for the Senate to first pass a resolution expressly requiring concurrence in the withdrawal of a treaty. (It was a resolution already drafted but blocked by administration ally Senator Manny Pacquiao in February 2017.)

The lack of a Senate concurrence in the withdrawal is one of the main points in the petitions questioning it, and Leonen doesn't believe that the Supreme Court should settle the issue for the Senate.

“The Constitution has already said that the legislative power is vested only in one body, and the legislative power is vested only in the Congress of the Philippines. We have to be careful for the judiciary not to actually replace our political discretions because we are not elected representatives,” Leonen said.

Associate Justice Francis Jardeleza has pointed out before that the ICC pullout case would test the power of presidential discretion. For Duterte, it is a power that has consistently prevailed in the Supreme Court.

Leonen stressed that there is no way that the ongoing ICC preliminary examinations into the war on drugs would be affected by the Philippine withdrawal. Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio thought so too, and even got Calida to agree.

"Is it just noise that the Rome Statute (may be) void from the start?" Carpio asked, to which Calida replied, "I agree with you."

Groups have expressed fear that leaving the ICC for good would be detrimental to upholding human rights in the Philippines. Leonen said this is a "colonial" mindset of relying on others rather than our own courts, and stressed that one must think of the long term. 

“This Court should have a longer vista that political winds can change, and when that happens then it might be the reverse, that another group that does not want a future president’s policy will again want this Court to veto. And therefore we always have to anchor our views on principles and the words that we find in the Constitution and statutes, rather than on the political result that we want,” said Leonen. – Rappler.com

After more than two years and an estimated 23,518 deaths under investigation, Rappler tells the story of Rodrigo Duterte's drug war from the eyes of the killers.

In early 2017, the Philippine National Police (PNP) arrested members of a vigilante gang suspected of preying on drug suspects and criminals in Tondo, Manila. The group was a local chapter of the Confederate Sentinels Group (CSG), a national volunteer organization that the police had officially accredited as force multipliers. 

Rappler’s 6-month investigation shows strong indications that the police were outsourcing extrajudicial killings to the same vigilante gang they accused of murder. According to individuals with knowledge of CSG Tondo Chapter 2’s activities, officials of the PNP coordinated with vigilantes, took credit for murders, and on occasion paid for assassinations in the name of the war against drugs.

This conclusion to Rappler's Murder in Manila series, published in installments, includes on-the-record testimony from community members as well as two of the CSG’s self-confessed vigilantes. At their request, Rappler has changed or withheld their names for their own safety. Angel and Simon are not their real names. 

On February 10, 2017, a day after the Philippine National Police announced they had arrested members of a vigilante group in Tondo, Manila, The Philippine Star reported that police had already filed criminal charges against six men for the death of 16-year-old Charlie Saladaga.

Three men had already been arrested during the raid on the Confederate Sentinels Group's (CSG’s) outpost: Alfredo Alejan Jr, Marco Morallos, and Manuel Murillo. 

They pointed a finger at their leader, Ricardo Villamonte, alias "Commander Maning."

Commander Maning, along with Barangay 105 councilman Michael Sibucao, and a third man known only by the alias "Onic," remained at large at the time charges were filed.

According to the affidavit of apprehension filed by the Manila Police District’s homicide section, “a hot pursuit was immediately conducted.”

Rappler’s sources in the community said there was no visible attempt at pursuit, as the three men continued to live freely in Village 105.

On February 15, the Office of the City Prosecutor asked police to conduct preliminary investigations against the missing men.

Commander Maning, Sibucao, and Onic were subpoenaed to appear at the Manila City Hall on April 20 to testify under oath “and answer clarificatory questions.”

On the day of their subpoena, Charlie Saladaga's mother Cristina filed a document retracting her sworn statement, including the complaint of murder and kidnapping she filed against men who had already confessed to the assassination of her son.

In her affidavit of withdrawal, Cristina explained that she had been "thinking repeatedly about the events” leading up to Charlie’s death. She asked to “dismiss all charges of kidnapping with homicide and murder” against all the men implicated. 

She said she had come to realize that the entire complaint was the result of “a misunderstanding.”

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TWO LEADERS. A photo posted on the wall of CSG Inc's main office shows founder Alvin Constantino standing with former PNP Director General Ronald dela Rosa. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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It was Simon, a self-confessed vigilante from CSG Tondo Chapter 2, who told Rappler that a group of ranking police officials gave CSG Tondo Chapter 2 the mandate to kill. 

“We wouldn't do this without their blessing,” said Simon. "But this had their blessing."

One day in 2016, said Simon, a number of their members were called to a briefing early in the drug war. It was at that meeting that police officers explained to the chapter’s new recruits that their mission was to kill "those with bounties and the ones involved in drugs.”

It was a meeting that may have occurred in the CSG Inc headquarters. Simon described the location as “a small office” located “near Sangandaan.”

Directions to reporters seeking an interview with CSG Inc director Alvin Constantino included meeting CSG guides at a McDonald’s branch “at the end of Tandang Sora going to Quirino Highway, Sangandaan.” The office in Sitio Campo Uno, whose exact location cannot be found on GPS maps, is a few minutes away off a winding one-way road into the Constantino compound. 

While Constantino admitted that members of CSG Tondo Chapter 2 have visited his office at the same time as police officials, Constantino doubted an order to kill could have been announced inside the headquarters. “The PNP wouldn’t do that in front of the other members there,” he said, “especially because there were also women and older CSG members. I don’t think the PNP would say that.” 

Alvin Constantino remains the national director of officials of the CSG Inc, although he is in the process of having the name officially changed to Confederate Sentinels of God. His Facebook account still banners his photo side by side with a laughing former police chief Ronald dela Rosa. 

Constantino said the alleged violence committed by CSG Tondo Chapter 2 in no way reflects the values of the national organization he founded. 

In June 2017, four months after the PNP accused the organization of abduction and murder, Constantino received a letter from the National Police Commission. It certified that “the Confederate Sentinels Group, Incorporated, headed by Mr. Alvin Constantino, is a partner NGO of the Philippine National Police.”

The CSG, said Constantino, remains an accredited partner of the Manila Police District.  

Constantino said the police never explained how CSG Tondo Chapter 2 came to be accused of murder. 

If they are guilty, Constantino said, they are a rogue organization whose actions have nothing to do with the national volunteer organization. “I thought about it, if they were vigilantes, who gave them orders? Wasn’t it the PNP who introduced them to us? What does that imply?”

Police Superintendent Robert Domingo, whom Rappler sources accused of outsourcing murder to the CSG, is attending to his education at the Philippine National Police Academy. He has refused to comment on this story.

On October 9, 2018, as this series was being published, the House of Representatives recommended the filing of "appropriate" charges  against police officers of Manila Police District in Station 1, Raxabago, where Domingo was station commander at the time of Charlie Saladaga's death. 

According to the House, a jail cell hidden behind a bookshelf inside the station in April 2017 was "beyond humane conditions."

Vigilantes interviewed by Rappler said Domingo was, by no means, the mastermind of what they claimed was the outsourcing of extrajudicial killings. 

“He’s just a tool for Tondo,” said self-confessed vigilante Angel. “There’s someone higher than him. There’s a general involved. We were supposed to meet with him. We were told, ‘You’re being called by the general.’ It was some sort of briefing. But that’s all I know, because when we were about to go meet the general the whole thing was called off.”

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THE CHIEF. In this 2016 photo, Police Superintendent Robert Domingo speaks into his mobile phone at his old office in Sta Ana, Manila. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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Angel, one of Rappler's vigilante sources, said he does not consider himself a hired gun. The money wasn’t the point. It was a bonus, he said, but the goal was to kill criminals, not to work with them.

“Look at me, I have trauma,” he said. “Not just me, even my neighbors, and the people still living there. They’re scared if they screw up because people will talk. You’re a guy, you did nothing wrong, but someone will whisper in Maning’s ear and say, ‘Maning, it’s like this, that person is like this.’ You’ll be afraid.”

Angel left the hotel room where he was interviewed as quickly as he arrived, stepping out of the small room in the small hotel in a city that cannot be named. He has killed many people. He hopes to stay alive.  

Sources in the community said that the Saladaga family moved out of Village 105 for fear the CSG would make good on their threats. 

“The parents are hiding,” said Simon, shaking his head. “It’s all backwards. The parents are in hiding...and the Commander’s still around.” 

Simon remains an active member of the CSG, or what is left of the CSG. He still conducts surveillance. He still joins the boys on the job. He still works with the police. He doesn’t trust the CSG, but he understands there are people who need killing.

“Look, everyone thinks we’re bad guys,” he said. "Not all of us are like that. There are decent guys in the CSG. It’s just some of them, even the ones who never even killed anyone, the ones who only did the minor stuff, they all got big heads because they got to lean on the CSG.”

Simon has one last target. One of Toyo’s men is still alive. When the work is done, he’ll pack up his gun and walk away, "because I don’t know who the enemies are anymore.”

“All we wanted was to do something about the drugs. All the drugs. We didn’t want the killings either, but we wanted peace where we lived. That’s all. But it was for nothing. Even if people were getting killed, the others were still selling drugs. You’ll hear people say now, ‘That CSG, they were nothing.’ But it’s only when someone gets killed or threatened that they get scared.” 

He shook his head. He has to leave by nightfall. There’s a job tonight.

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CAMPAIGN. A campaign poster for Ricardo Villamonte, also known as Commander Maning, from the March 2018 local elections still hangs in several areas of Village 105. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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All but one of the men whom the Philippine National Police accused of murdering Charlie Saladaga and three others walk free in Village 105. 

At least three of them, including Commander Maning, ran for local elections a little more than a year after they were condemned as vigilantes on national television. All of them lost. (Commander Maning denied all allegations of vigilante activities, and said the police were "very wrong" to accuse the CSG.)

The CSG headquarters along Road 10 has been repainted. It is now a local government outpost. Sources in the community said the murders continue, with vigilantes reporting instead to the homes of CSG leaders, or working as assets for anti-drug cops.

General Ronald dela Rosa, now Director of the Bureau of Corrections, said that allegations of police corruption, collusion, and murder should be investigated. He said that “there have always been stories, urban legends” of police ordering the murders of drug suspects, but “if proven, they should file charges against the police.”

Of the four deaths under investigation that Dela Rosa attributed to the CSG, Rappler has only been able to confirm charges filed on a single case. The former chief of police stands by the statements he made during the February 2017 press conference. 

The CSG, he said, were confessed killers. They said they killed Charlie Saladaga.

“I have nothing to hide,” Dela Rosa told Rappler. “I didn’t make up stories. What I said was straight from the source. They were there. They admitted it.”

Dela Rosa has announced his intention to run for senator. He believes the drug war has been effective. He believes he served President Rodrigo Duterte well. He believes that the public is sincere in their gratitude, so sincere that when they speak to him, they hug him and weep in thanks.

Asked what he thought of his successes given the thousands of deaths, he said the country is at war.

“It's war. War,” he repeated. “Otherwise, we wouldn’t call it a war on drugs. What would you call it, what do you call it if nobody dies? What else do you call it? It’s a war, a war on drugs. We are waging war against drugs.” 

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RUNNING FOR SENATE. General Ronald dela Rosa sits behind his desk at the Bureau of Corrections in the New Bilibid Prison Reservation, Muntinlupa City. Photo by Carlo Gabuco
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On September 30, 2018, before the United Nations General Assembly, Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano announced  to the gathered representatives of the international community that the Republic of the Philippines will choose the protection of law-abiding citizens and law enforcers over the lives of drug lords and criminals.

The administration, Cayetano said, was "salvaging" the future of a country on the verge of becoming a narco-state.

The statement marched in lockstep with the President's own words. Just days earlier, President Duterte spoke at the oath taking of new career service executives at Malacañang Palace and proceeded to defend his two-year administration. 

"What is my sin? Did I steal even one peso? Did I prosecute somebody who I ordered jailed?" Duterte asked.

"My only sin is extrajudicial killings." – Rappler.com

PART 1 | 'Some People Need Killing'
PART 2 | 'The Cops Were Showing Off'
PART 3 | 'Get It From The Chief'
PART 4 | 'What Did The CSG Do Wrong?'
PART 5 | 'I Finish The Job'
PART 6 | 'There Are Snakes Everywhere'

Editor's Note: All quotes in Filipino have been translated into English. Rappler filed two Freedom of Information requests with the Manila Police District for case folders pertaining to investigations on murders allegedly committed by CSG Tondo Chapter 2. There has been no response. Rappler also requested an interview with former Manila Police District director Joel Coronel. There has been no response as of publication. 

On October 8, four days after the publication of this series' first story, Philippine National Police Chief Oscar Albayalde dared any witnesses of vigilante killings to file affidavits and testify about police involvement. "We'll be very much willing to investigate that," he said at a press briefing in Camp Crame. The police chief earlier denied Rappler's request for an interview. 

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MANILA, Philippines – Would you consider your family “poor?” Have they experienced hunger even once in the past 3 months? Every quarter, pollster Social Weather Stations (SWS) conducts a survey among Filipinos asking these questions.

The results present an overview of self-rated poverty and involuntary hunger incidences in families over many years and a few administrations.

According to their second quarter 2018 survey results, they approach 1,200 adults for each survey, with 300 respondents each in Metro Manila, Balance Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.

Below, we take a look at SWS’ results from 2001 to 2018, compare them with the year’s Gross Domestic Product, and identify who our leaders were at the time when Filipinos said they were least or most hungry.

How have Filipinos rated themselves in terms of poverty and hunger under the Duterte administration?

President Rodrigo Duterte has held his position for only two years, but his numbers so far show that he is continuing the trend of lower poverty and hunger rates that started in 2014.

In the 3rd quarter of 2014, self-rated poverty started to decline, starting at 55%, until it reached 42% in the 3rd quarter of 2016. The numbers began to fluctuate after that, but have stayed within the 42% to 50% range.

That is, until 2018, which shows a steady increase, ending in 52% in the 3rd quarter of the same year. Will this trend continue or will the numbers decline again? 

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Involuntary hunger numbers began to decline in the last quarter of 2014, fluctuating within a range of 9.4% to 17%. The SWS has not released their data on involuntary hunger for the 4th quarter of 2018.

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The highest number for self-rated poverty under the Duterte administration is 52% in the 3rd quarter of 2018, while the highest for involuntary hunger occurred in the 4th quarters of 2016 and 2017, at 13.9% and 15.9%, respectively. 

What are the lowest and highest self-rated poverty and hunger statistics over the past 17 years?

SWS has been regularly posting survey results on their website as early as 2001, so we can look at self-rated poverty and involuntary hunger data spanning 17 years and 3 administrations.

The most number of respondents rated themselves poor in 2001 and 2002 at 66%. 2001 marked the beginning of former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s term, as she served as Philippine president until 2010. During that period, there were fluctuations in self-rated poverty scores, but there was a significant decrease over time.

The lowest rating since 2001 happened in 2010, with 43% of respondents rating themselves poor.

There was a slight increase during former president Benigno Aquino III’s term starting in 2011, before the steady decrease starting in 2014.

Meanwhile, the number of people who suffered from involuntary hunger increased starting 2001, reaching its peak in 2009 at 24%. It slowly began to decrease since then, with major decreases starting 2014.

Why did numbers decrease in 2014?

According to economist JC Punongbayan, GDP growth and low inflation during that time could be the reason.

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As the chart above shows, the Philippines’ GDP has been growing above 6% since 2012, while inflation was at a low of 0.7% in 2015. These may have accounted for the reason Filipinos felt less poor or hungry in the years that followed. (READ | Fast Facts: Philippine inflation rate over the years) – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Television and online personality and host Kris Aquino revealed that she has been diagnosed with Chronic Spontaneous Urticaria (CSU), an autoimmune skin disease, on Thursday, October 11.

The actress officially announced her condition after undergoing several tests in Singapore. 

"To be specific I now know I have Chronic Spontaneous Urticaria, and yes, mine is an autoimmune disease. I am now, and for the rest of my existence will be, on high dosage antihistamines and having the EpiPen will always be crucial. Severe allergies are life threatening because of anaphylactic shock," she said in an Instagram post.

According to the United States' National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, autoimmune diseases are brought about by issues in the immune system which cause it to attack the body's own healthy cells by mistake.

Chronic Spontaneous Urticaria (CSU) is one of more than 80 types of autoimmune diseases.

What it is: Urticaria, more commonly known as hives, is a skin condition characterized by red, swollen marks that appear in the body. It causes mild to severe itching, and sometimes induces burning sensations.

As with other allergic reactions, urticaria is often mild and disappears on its own, but in serious cases, they can cause anaphylaxis, which is when the body's immune system overreacts to a trigger.

According to Medline Plus – a repository of medical information by the United States National Institute of Health – anaphylaxis is a medical emergency, and patients who experience it usually have difficulty breathing, swelling of the lips and tongue, chest pain, and dizziness. They could also faint or pass out.

Urticaria is often triggered by certain food, medication, insect bites, and many other allergens.

What distinguishes CSU from other forms of urticaria is that hives appear unpredictably (without physical triggers) at any place in the body, and can persist from days to years.

The United States National Library of Medicine's National Center for Biotechnology Information refers to CSU as a condition where "persistent symptoms" of hives appear "for 6 weeks or more."

The chronic disease can be distressing to those who have it, as it often causes disturbance in sleep, lack of energy, isolation, and anxiety.

According to the Australian Society of Clinical Immunology and Allergy, Chronic Spontaneous Urticaria affects around 1.8% of the world's population.

It is also more common in females than males, and symptoms usually surface among people aged 20 to 40.

Medical professionals have yet to discover what exactly causes the disease, but it can be triggered by allergic reactions, pain medications, changes in temperature, infection, pressure on skin, or stress.

Chronic urticaria is also associated with other autoimmune diseases, such as thyroid diseases, rheumatoid arthritis, Type 1 diabetes, and Celiac disease.

Cure:Since the underlying cause for acquiring CSU is unknown and difficult to determine, there is no specific cure available. Doctors advise patients to undergo several tests and body examinations to pinpoint possible causes.

High dosage of antihistamine is the most common treatment for chronic hives to relieve overall symptoms of swelling and itchiness. Other treatments include immunosuppressing drugs and immunotherapy.

The disease can also be managed by avoiding allergy and physical triggers, and by undergoing lifestyle changes.

Kris is treating her condition with high dosages of antihistamines, which she said she will be taking "for the rest of my existence," and an EpiPen – an epinephrine auto-injector that is administered as an emergency measure to those experiencing severe allergic reactions.

Not a few celebrities are afflicted with some type of autoimmune disease, and according to Kris, her awareness was raised by those who have been open about their journeys with their conditions – in particular, Gigi Hadid, who has Hashimoto's Disease, Selena Gomez, who has lupus, and Wendy Williams, who has Graves Disease. – with a report from Amanda Lago/Rappler.com