MANILA, Philippines – The personal information of about 55 million Filipinos are now out in the open, making them all vulnerable to identity theft – no thanks to a hacker who attacked the Commission on Elections (Comelec) system.

The huge breach in the system of the Comelec says a lot about the cybersecurity measures of the poll body and all government agencies as well. (READ: Is Comelec liable for website data leak?)

As individuals, however, people can still protect their own computer system and its contents from cybercriminals or hackers. Now is not the time to take for granted the security features readily available for use on the Internet. (READ: Malware, phishing, cybersecurity: terms you need to know)

How can we protect our personal systems from malicious attacks? Rappler lists some cybersecurity tips:

1. Be careful with what you download

The Internet is a motherlode of files that can be downloaded – for a minimal fee or sometimes even for free – by any user into his or her computer.  Various files such as songs, movies, and other essentials are just so accessible nowadays since there are a lot of websites that offer free downloads.

However, such accessibility poses a cybersecurity threat, according to cybersecurity firm Trend Micro. Some of these websites and files, regardless of how legitimate they look, may carry malicious codes or malware that can harm  your computer system.

If you are not careful, you may end up downloading a file that may compromise your important documents or worse, your personal information. For example, an innocent-looking file of a song you like may carry a keystroke logger (keyloggers) that can record the activities of your keyboard – including your passwords.

To prevent this, you should only download from trusted websites. Make sure also that you have antivirus or antispyware software installed in your system as these can detect and eventually delete malware.

2. Install trusted security software in your computer

If you have a new computer, one of the first things you should do is to install software that can protect your system. This is important as you won't know that your system is infected with malware – viruses, worms, and spyware –  until it starts compromising your files, security, and your computer.

Spyware, for example, may collect personal information and track your online activities.

Antivirus and antispyware programs are designed to prevent malware from entering your computer and eventually save you from future headache. These security software detect and delete the types of malware that may have breached your system – just make sure to always run a virus scan.

While some come with a hefty price tag, there are free antivirus and antispyware software available online. Just makes sure that you download clean ones. Some operating systems (OS), Windows for example, also come installed with free protection.

Once you have these security software installed, make sure that you constantly update them in order to get new features that can protect your system from new malware.

3. Turn on your firewall

The word may leave a bad taste on people who associate it with the Great Firewall of China – a series of projects implemented by the Chinese government to regulate Internet use in their country – but in theory, a firewall is a “solid line of defense” against hackers and other intruders.

A firewall, according to TechTarget, controls and oversees network traffic and acts as a barrier between your network and the Internet. This means that incoming traffic to your computer can be filtered depending on the way you configured the firewall settings.

Simply put, a firewall keeps out malware and protects your computer from hackers trying to access your personal data, passwords, and other sensitive information. Activating it will prevent this from happening.

More often than not, your OS carry pre-installed firewall already so you just have to turn it on and keep it updated.

4. Keep your computer's operating system up-to-date

While it may be inconvenient to update your computer OS given the Philippine Internet speed, an hour or two of waiting beats compromised files and stolen personal information.

Software company Symantec stressed that updating your OS will ensure that new security features – designed to address new cyberthreats – are deployed into your computer. Failing to update may help malware overpower your system and eventually cause more harm because it does not have the right mechanisms to prevent an attack.

OS updates are usually automatic in some computers. For Windows OS, for example, updates are carried out every second Tuesday of the month.

5. Secure your wireless network

A secured wireless network does not only keep your neighbors from leeching off of your Internet bandwidth, it also keeps individuals with malicious intentions from tapping into your private system.

United Kingdom-based Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) warns that if your wireless connection is open, a stranger may break into your unprotected computer and view, steal, and even spread virus. He can also monitor your online activity – including copying your credentials. Once one computer is infected with a malware, it can then spread to all machines connected to the same network.

Password-protecting your wireless router is easy and instructions depend on the brand you are using. Some even come already secured with a password.

However, it is important that you change these default passwords and encode your own unique one for your wireless router. Using a default password may lead to a potential vulnerability that can be exploited by hackers.

6. Be careful with emails

Long gone are the days that everyone used snail mail to send messages and hard copies of important files. Now, a user can instantly send and receive huge documents via email.

This convenience, however, has been exploited by cybercriminals. They often send malicious links and files infected with malware through email to unsuspecting users. The best way to prevent this, aside from making sure that you have updated anti-malware programs in your computer, is to remain vigilant when dealing with emails.

Be wary of shady emails that come from strangers as these may contain malware. Install a spam filter in your inbox to automatically separate potential threats from legitimate messages.

If you receive an email with a link asking you to input your personal information, do not give what they want or you may be fooled by those engaged in phishing– a method when a website looks legitimate, like the ones you go to. Submitting your sensitive information may lead to identify theft.

If you are not sure whether or not an email is legitimate, it is best to call and confirm with the business directly, instead of risking your personal information.

7. Use unique passwords for your accounts

Passwords are basically the first line of defense between cybercriminals and your personal data. It should also be the strongest especially when dealing with highly sensitive information such as bank accounts.

However, according to Troy Hunt, the “tyranny” of having multiple accounts online paves the way for people to use predictable passwords instead of unique ones.

Yes, it is very tempting to use the same passwords, especially with the vast number of social media websites available. Doing so, however, may cause more harm than convenience. For example, if you maintain similar passwords and even just one is hacked or exposed, it is likely that the rest of your online accounts will be compromised.

What makes for a strong password? According to Trend Micro, it should not make use of common or easily-guessed patterns such as “123456.” A strong password should include at least 12 characters that are a mix of upper and lowercase letters and special characters.

The online security firm added that above all, a person should never use as passwords information that are obvious such as maiden name or a pet’s name that are often posted on social media.

Lastly, Trend Micro advised against storing passwords in a document saved in a personal computer. Once this computer is compromised, hackers can access this document.– Rappler.com

Read more about the Comelec breach and how you can protect yourself:

• White, black, gray hat hackers: What's the diff?
• Experts fear identity theft, scams due to Comelec leak
• Comelec data leak puts Filipino voters 'at risk' – Trend Micro
• Is Comelec liable for website data leak?
• After Comelec data leak, what to do to protect yourself?
• Advice from banks: How to prevent identity theft

MANILA, Philippines – In politics, it's often said, there are “no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests.”

This holds true even in the Philippine political arena. Besides being dominated by politicians from influential dynasties, Philippine politics has also seen an abundance of turncoats– or people who switch allegiances all too quickly.

Politicians who have turned rivals may have even considered each other as friends one time before. Or they could come from the same clan, or even have relatives working for a rival's camp.

The roster of presidential and vice presidential bets for the 2016 elections shows how intertwined the lives of these candidates – most of whom are seasoned politicians – have been. For one, most of the candidates ran together under the same coalition in previous elections.

What other links do they have to each other? Here's what we found.

Among the presidential candidates, it's Manuel "Mar" Roxas II who is the most connected to the other bets seeking the presidency. Among the vice presidential contenders, it's Francis "Chiz" Escudero who has the most links to his other rivals.

Note: Move your cursor over the surrounding faces of candidates to read more about their links to the candidate in the middle of the circle. Make sure to minimize the pop-up ad if it appears in the photo.

Small world

Filipino politicians mostly move in a small world.

In 2013, for example, majority of reelectionists at the local level (governor, congressman, and city mayors) ran under a party or alliance different from what carried them to victory in the previous election. They went against the individuals they previously pledged their loyalties to.

With a little over two weeks left before the May 9 polls, De La Salle University’s College of Liberal Arts Dean Julio Teehankee said in a Rappler podcast that the homestretch is the “time when old alliances are broken and new partnerships are made.” (PODCAST: ‘Image, message and machine’ will lead a candidate to Malacañang)

Whether or not these new partnerships and alliances will hold until the next elections in 2022 remains to be seen. – Infographic by Nico Villarete/Rappler.com 

MANILA, Philippines – With Filipinos set to cast their ballots just two weeks from now, Rappler takes a look at the composition of the candidates in the 2016 elections.

Based on Comelec Resolution 10002, signed on October 13, 2015, there are 18,083 positions up for grabs in this year's polls.

The number of candidates, though, is much higher – 44,871.

There are 673 nominees across the 115 party-list groups, but these nominees are not voted for directly. Each voter only votes for one party list. (READ: 2016 party-list representatives: Taking a 'shortcut' to Congress?)

National race record

With so many candidates vying for the same positions, the elections can be quite tight. Since 1992, no fewer than 4 candidates have fought for the two top government posts.

A presidential candidate has yet to be voted by a majority.

For instance, in the 1992 elections, Fidel Ramos obtained only 23.6% of the total votes then – meaning, only less than a quarter of the population got the president they wanted.

In 2010, Benigno Aquino III only got around 42% of the votes. (READ: Electing a president: Picked by some, rejected by many)

For this year's senatorial elections, a total of 172 filed their certificates of candidacy, but only 50 candidates were allowed to run. In 1992, more than thrice as many got their senatorial bids approved.

Local polls record

Local races are just as tight as the national polls. And while some candidates have to compete with many opponents for a government seat, there are those who are practically certain to win because they are running unopposed.

There are a total of 545 local candidates who are running unopposed. The breakdown is as follows:

The most number of candidates running unopposed are in the Ilocos Region, where there are 63 uncontested bids for the following positions:

In contrast, competition is much fiercer in other provinces and cities. These are the areas with the highest number of candidates for a certain position:

• In the municipality of Sultan Dumalondong (Lanao del Sur), there are 19 candidates running for mayor
• In the city of Tanjay (Negros Oriental), 10 candidates want to be mayor
• In Bulacan, it is an 11-way battle for governor
• In the district of Iligan City, there are 9 candidates running for representative

See the list of all national and local candidates in the links below:

• National: President & vice president | Party list | Senate
• Luzon: NCR | CAR | Region 1 | Region 2 | Region 3 | Region 4A | Region 4B | Region 5
• Visayas: Region 6 | Negros Island Region | Region 7 | Region 8
• Mindanao: Region 9 | Region 10 | Region 11 | Region 12 | Region 13 | ARMM

– Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – It’s a good thing when polling precincts post high voter turnout rates on election day. This means many voters want their voices heard in the choice of the country’s next set of leaders.

But it’s a different matter when turnout rates in some precincts are unusually high, or even at 100%. Some might view it as an excellent indicator of civic engagement, but it also raises the possibility of poll cheating.

To help make sense of this, Rappler scrutinized the data from the Transparency Server of the Commission on Elections (Comelec) covering the last two automated elections.

It is important to note, however, that in 2010, only 90% of election returns (ER) from vote-counting machines (VCM) were transmitted to the Transparency Server. In 2013, that rate dropped further to 76%. (READ: How does the PH automated election system work?)

100% turnouts

The data revealed that the number of precincts with a 100% voter turnout increased in the 2013 polls compared to 2010. Nationwide, voter turnout was 74.99% in 2010 and 77.31% in 2013.

In 2010, all voters registered in at least 43 clustered precincts (or precincts grouped together by the Comelec to meet the required number of voters per voting machine) in 7 provinces trooped to the polls. There were a combined 20,079 registered voters in these precincts.  

Of the 7 provinces that registered a 100% voter turnout, 4 are in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The other provinces are Kalinga (in 4 towns), Lanao del Norte (in two towns), and Samar (in one town).

In 2013, the number of precincts with a 100% turnout increased to 70. Samar was off the list, but 6 new provinces made it to the roster. This time, too, all 5 ARMM provinces reported a 100% turnout.

The trend was repeated in at least 7 towns in 2013. Among these towns, it was only in Sultan Naga Dimaporo in Lanao del Norte that the number of “perfect attendance” precincts decreased – from 12 in 2010 to 5 in 2013.

[Click to show/hide a list of towns with a 100% voter turnout in 2010 and 2013]

The number of registered voters in these precincts might seem insignificant, but in 2007, Zubiri's vote lead of 21,519 caused him to secure the 12th and last spot in the senatorial winning circle based on the final Comelec canvass. A protest filed by senatorial candidate Aquilino "Koko" Pimentel before the Senate Electoral Tribunal (SET) prompted a recount which led to Pimentel's proclamation as the real winner by over 200,000 votes. (Zubiri resigned days before the SET ruling.)

Above 90% turnouts

Meanwhile, a total of 726 out of 68,973 clustered precincts posted a turnout between 95% and 99% in 2010. A total of 398,834 voters were registered in these precincts, with 390,404 showing up on election day.

Of these clustered precincts, 556 are in ARMM, with Maguindanao (179 precincts), Lanao del Sur (171), and Sulu (110) leading the pack.

A voter turnout of 90%-94% was reported by 1,258 clustered precincts also in 2010. The top 5 provinces where these are located are spread across the country: in Cebu (with 113 precincts), Ilocos Sur (83), Maguindanao (77), Lanao del Sur (71), and Bohol (51).

Percentages above 90% indicate a wide disparity from the national average of 75% voter turnout that same year.

Over 25% of clustered precincts reported a voter turnout of 80%-84%, which approximated the national average.

In 2013, more clustered precincts (1,561 total) reported a 90%-94% turnout compared to 2010. Cebu remained on the top of the list (with 150 precincts), followed by Bohol (76), Iloilo (64), Ilocos Sur (64) and Leyte (63).

In the same year, nearly 30% of these precincts reported an 80%-84% turnout, also close to the national average of 77% that year.

Lapses, cheating

Lawyer Rona Caritos of the Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente) cited possible reasons for this unusual turnout in past elections.

“Either ballot-tampering had happened in the local treasurer’s office while the ballots were being kept there, or there was pre-shading of ballots on election day,” Caritos said.

This practice was already prevalent even before elections were automated here. In 2007, Carolyn Arguillas of MindaNews reported that only a few voters turned up in some precincts in Maguindanao, but the province’s election supervisor announced a “remarkable” turnout. The poll official who made the announcement? Lintang Bedol, implicated in poll fraud in 2004 and 2007.

Caritos added that in areas of concern like the ARMM, members of the Board of Election Inspectors (BEI) deployed there on election day were soldiers – due to lingering unrest in the region. As such, they were not adequately trained to man the polling precincts.

Some politicians there may also have taken advantage of this situation, Caritos said, by sending “voters” corresponding to the actual number of registered voters in precincts. 

“Meron kasing bumoboto nang ’yung sa pangalan lang. At hindi na iyon nachi-check. Hinahayaan na lang,” she said. (There were voters who just mentioned names. And it’s not checked thoroughly. They just let them vote.)

Plus, since the voters’ biometrics database was not yet complete in 2010 and 2013, “there was no way of checking their identity, because there were no voters’ pictures yet,” said Caritos.

The mandatory biometrics law was passed in February 2013, only a few months before that year’s elections, and will be applied for the first time in the 2016 polls. Voters are required to have their photograph, fingerprints, and signature captured during the registration period before they could vote.

Importance of clean voters’ lists

Meanwhile, Eric Jude Alvia of the National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel) believes that a clean voters’ list is also a major component in ensuring fair elections.

Alvia pointed out lapses in the registration process in past elections that contributed to unusually high voter turnouts. These include leniency in accepting proofs of identification and cases of multiple registration by “ghost” voters to pad the voters' list.

But even with poll automation and biometrics in 2016, Alvia argued there are still issues in the process, specifically with the Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS), which stores fingerprints and finds duplicates.

He said that the AFIS does not screen underage voters, who could “easily get any supporting document” to say that they are of age.

Alvia likewise recounted first-hand experiences of some Namfrel interns in 2014 who were first-time registrants but were “screened out” in some barangays.

“Of the 5 or 6 interns, only one had a smooth-sailing registration. The rest were pulled aside and asked a lot of questions,” said Alvia, to the point that it “left a bad taste to the would-be voters.”

Besides registration issues, he also attributed extremely high turnouts to election day incidents like the hakot system where people are taken en masse to “fill up” a polling precinct and “capture” a precinct to commit election fraud.

“When the automated election system was introduced, we were thinking that it's a 'silver bullet' that could solve years of prevalent election fraud. But actually, it spawned and shifted fraud to various means and areas,” Alvia said.

However, he cautioned against quickly concluding that high voter turnout equals cheating, as intense local politics in some areas could also increase voter participation.

Poll watching

These findings and reports bolster the need for vigilant poll watching on election day, so that more eyes can monitor the election process.

To prevent cheating in high-turnout precincts, Caritos suggested that soldiers and other substitute BEIs be trained not just to run the elections, but also to observe voter fraud occurrence. 

There should be a high presence and vigilance of poll watchers in all precincts, too, she added. 

She also said that the treasurer's office in towns with a history of very-high-turnout precincts be placed under Comelec control, instead of under the local governments, to prevent tampering of ballots.

Alvia added that the BEIs should be stricter and more stringent in checking the identity of voters before giving them ballots on election day.

Because even with voters' biometrics information, Alvia said that some of the mechanisms to make use of those data on election day are not yet available.

For instance, the Comelec opened in February 2015 public bidding for a voter verification system (VVS) that would scan voters’ fingerprints on polling precincts. But its procurement was eventually cancelled in June of the same year.

Nonetheless, both he and Caritos think that biometrics should matter in the 2016 polls.

“This is the acid test right now for that much-vaunted biometrics,” said Alvia. “Let's see how effective it is.”

“This 2016 elections, we are more hopeful that with mandatory biometrics, all of us would somehow be able to verify voters’ identities before voting,” added Caritos. – with Wayne Manuel/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The quick answer is no, however, Filipinos are not exactly known for sticking to the rules.

Campaign overspending is prohibited under the Omnibus Election Code. Such election offense merits imprisonment of one to 6 years, disqualification from holding public office, and removal of one's right to vote.

Having laws in place, however, does not always stop candidates from doing what they want.

As of January 2016, there were 1,629 overspending cases nationwide, according to the Commission on Elections (Comelec), dating back to the 2010 and 2013 elections.

Such cases move at a very slow pace. Hence, many candidates are not afraid of overspending, thinking nobody gets punished anyway.

But in May 2014, the Comelec en banc disqualified former Laguna governor Emilio Ramon “ER” Ejercito for campaign overspending. And in February 2015, the SC upheld Ejercito’s disqualification.

In the 2016 elections, will local and national candidates once again dare to overspend?  

Stricter

In October 2015, the Comelec came out with Resolution 9991, a stricter set of rules on campaign finance.

The Comelec Campaign Finance Office (CFO) stressed the different "unlawful acts" during election season.

Are candidates and their campaign teams aware of these rules?

The Corporation Code also prohibits corporations from making donations to candidates and political parties. (READ: Toothless laws?)

Candidates cannot spend on everything they want either, only the following forms of expenditures are allowed by law:

All candidates, political parties, and party-list groups are required to submit their Statements of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE), detailing how they financed their campaigns.

SOCEs must be submitted to the Comelec CFO within 30 days after the election. First and second offenses merit administrative fines ranging from P10,000 to P60,000.

Succeeding failures to file SOCEs will mean disqualification.

"Disqualification is not automatic, there's still a need to institute an action against the offender. It will still undergo notice and hearing," explained Vergara-Lutchavez.

Campaign finance-related election offenses are initiated by the Comelec CFO, however, anyone may file a complaint against violators (READ: Some candidates dishonest in campaign spending)

Awareness

"Candidates are not aware that campaign finance compliance enforcement has changed," said Heaven Torres of Fearless PH, a company specializing in campaign spending.

"Most of the candidates believe that they will be ok if they just do what they did in the 2013 elections. This is a misconception," Torres added.

In previous elections, some candidates were able to get away with "doctored" SOCEs, he said. 

This year, however, the Comelec hopes to get rid of SOCE cheating through its stricter monitoring and its new online reporting system.

In addition, the Comelec said that it has been raising awareness by training its election field officers across the country.

"Field officers do their job in reaching out to local candidates, they conduct briefing and teach campaign spending," CFO lawyer Maze Vergara-Lutchavez told Rappler.

"In fact, field officers spend out of pocket, they're frontliners," she continued.

As for national candidates, Vergara-Lutchavez said they have enough funds to hire lawyers who coordinate with the Comelec regarding campaign spending.

"There are publications of Comelec resolutions, press releases, word of mouth, and candidates can also call the CFO," Vergara-Lutchavez explained.

Since the Comelec website is currently down, online copies of campaign spending rules are unavailable. 

"Our advice is that if something is unclear, just reach out to field officers or call us directly," she added.

Aside from lack of awareness, Torres identified other problems the government should address:

• Some candidates do not have official receipts registered with the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR), which are required whenever they accept campaign donations. 

• Some donors do not want to be recognized, hence do not report their donations. 

• There are donors whose donations do not match their Income Tax Returns. There are donors who are former government officials whose Statement of Assets and Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN) do not justify their donations.  

• Since the spending cap is low, some candidates are pushed to spend their money underground. More candidates are earmarking money for illegal activities like vote buying. (READ: Report vote buying)

The Comelec CFO, however, said they are now working closely with the BIR, the Securities and Exchange Commission, and the Anti-Money Laundering Council to address such issues.

For this year's elections, there are over 44,000 candidates nationwide. 

Imagine a relatively small government office like the CFO taking on all these candidates.

The CFO is headed by Comelec Commissioner Christian Robert Lim; joining him are two lawyers and a 23-member staff in charge of reviewing documents.

"The reason why we haven't boosted staffing is that it requires civil service approval. We have requested but the approval process is long," said CFO lawyer Sonia Bea Wee-Lozada.

Since there are no local CFOs, the Comelec relies on its field offices for help, said Wee-Lozada.

Judgment day for both candidates and the Comelec will have to wait until June once all SOCEs are turned in.

Will candidates stick to the rules? And more importantly, will the Comelec implement its rules? – Rappler.com

Know of election-related wrongdoing? Use the #PHVoteWatch map to report vote buying and vote selling, campaign finance anomalies, election-related violence, campaign violations, technical glitches, and other problems observed among communities.

Together, let's each find #TheLeaderIWant and agree on who we want. To volunteer for any of these efforts, email us through move.ph@rappler.com.

MANILA, Philippines – Rodrigo Duterte’s supporters seem to be everywhere.

It could be one of your officemates passionately explaining Rodrigo Duterte’s platform, a high school classmate who constantly posts Duterte quotes or memes, a taxi driver proudly sporting a Duterte baller, or even your doctor making a heartfelt defense of Duterte’s latest controversial remark while you wait in his clinic.

Duterte’s supporters are outspoken, both online and offline. Online data shows they are the most engaged on social media, making Duterte’s name trend on Twitter, voting for him diligently in online surveys.

The Davao City mayor has supporters from all social classes: from market vendors who label their fruits and vegetables with his name to businessmen who transform their SUVs to shiny Duterte posters on wheels.

But you ain’t seen nothing yet until you attend his rallies. Jam-packed football fields and plazas. Filled-to-the-brim auditoriums and covered courts. Many of these crowds, sometimes numbering tens of thousands, are not given food or drink by organizers. 

Most wait 6 hours or more for Duterte to arrive. I talked to a mother who was in the venue by 8 am. Duterte, perenially late, showed up at 6 pm. 

{source}

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Watch this woman go from disappointment to joy after waiting 5 hours for <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Duterte?src=hash">#Duterte</a> in Valenzuela City <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/PHVote?src=hash">#PHVote</a> <a href="https://t.co/K8SuuFaee3">pic.twitter.com/K8SuuFaee3</a></p>&mdash; Pia Ranada (@piaranada) <a href="https://twitter.com/piaranada/status/707540800662470656">March 9, 2016</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>{/source}

Was she angry to be waiting? No. It would all be worth it to catch a glimpse of Duterte, she said. True enough, the crowds are almost hysterical when he arrives. I’ve seen women cry at the sight of him or jump over barriers and shove away his bodyguards to kiss him on the cheek.

Once, a sea of supporters in Batangas broke the glass door of the Lipa mayor’s office in their determination to follow Duterte.

Political analysts say this is Duterte’s secret weapon: his emotionally-attached base of supporters. 

“Duterte’s advantage is that he has emotionally-attached supporters. Supporters of other candidates choose by rational calculation but Duterte’s supporters give their whole heart and soul,” said UP political analyst Aries Arugay.

This emotional attachment could be one reason why a sizable chunk of Duterte’s support base are voluntary campaigners, not paid campaigners or “hakot.” 

Arugay calls it a “grassroots” movement and even suspects that this level of volunteerism for a candidate can beat traditional political machinery when it comes to safeguarding votes. (READ: Over 600,000 OFWs mobilizing for Duterte campaign)

“It could trump machinery. The machinery is paid. People work for the machinery because they are hired. In Duterte’s case, it’s volunteerism,” Arugay told Rappler.

His message of 'care'

So why the emotional attachment?

Ateneo de Manila University sociologist Jayeel Cornelio credits Duterte’s cross-cutting appeal to people’s perception of him as a “savior.” This perception comes from Duterte’s dual message of “care and power,” says Cornelio. 

Those from lower economic classes are particularly swayed by the way he projects himself as a caring leader. 

Foundational to this message is people’s perception of him as an “authentic” leader. (READ: Can Rodrigo Duterte win by being himself?)

“Duterte’s appeal lies in that he presents himself as an authentic person. Even if he curses, people perceive that as ‘nagpapakatotoo lang siya’ (he is just being true to himself),” said Cornelio.

His gutter language, his crass jokes, his constant reminders that he is an "ordinary person", even his flirting with local women reinforce the perception that he is “from the people, for the people.”

{source}

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Duterte&#39;s playful &#39;advances&#39; to Tarlac local girl generates laughter and smiles from farming community. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/PHVote?src=hash">#PHVote</a> <a href="https://t.co/yrIujnmSFW">pic.twitter.com/yrIujnmSFW</a></p>&mdash; Pia Ranada (@piaranada) <a href="https://twitter.com/piaranada/status/696632625323073536">February 8, 2016</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>{/source}

The poor are more likely to have an “emotional affinity with a man who is one of the people,” says Cornelio.

In this sense, the emotional vote is not necessarily an irrational vote, says Cornelio. It’s still a calculated decision to support someone who cares for you, who seems to have your best interests at heart. 

Contrast Duterte with administration bet Manuel “Mar” Roxas II. 

Roxas is likely not less sincere in his intention to serve the country, but what matters is how the less privileged perceive him.

The US-educated former secretary with a famous surname is very careful with his words and often speaks the “language of technocracy” which can be cold and alienating to poor Filipinos.

“If he was applying as CEO, he would get the job. But the president is also head of state. He carries with him a very symbolic role,” says Cornelio.

Roxas’ attributes do not necessarily match with attributes most important to a Filipino voter which Cornelio listed down as, “concern for the poor, having principled stance, and personal integrity.”

It doesn’t help that Roxas is heavily associated with the Aquino administration, an administration that is more and more perceived as being “cold and distant.”

President Benigno Aquino III has been “missing in action” in some of the biggest crises of his 6 years in power like the Manila hostage-taking, Mamasapano massacre, and Kidapawan protest, said Cornelio.

“The Aquino administration is not known for empathy,” he added. 

Compare this to how Duterte supporters promote his image.

They post old photos of Duterte wading shin-deep in a flood as he assists in disaster response efforts, they tell stories of how Duterte offered himself as a hostage in a prison riot, they share every moment he facilitated the release of hostages from New People’s Army rebels.

Duterte is perceived as a man of action, always in the thick of things, involved with the concerns of the people.

“That’s why he can present himself as a credible savior, like Jesus Christ, caring. One who loves us no matter what. You will support someone who cares for you,” said Cornelio.

No wonder Duterte’s support base has been described as “cult-like” by some people. It’s the manifestation, said Cornelio, "of the desire for a messiah, a caring messiah, a messiah who is one of us." 

His message of 'power'

The “caring leader” attracts the biggest chunk of voters, the Classes D and E. But Duterte is also the top pick of the middle- to upper-class. Why so? 

It has to do with the second part of Duterte’s dual message: that he is a powerful and strong leader. (READ: The Punisher and The Bully)

Cornelio describes those from Classes ABC to be mostly urban dwellers. “These are people who want discipline and public order in the city. Duterte is perceived as the man who can make it happen,” he explained.

The pervading sense among well-to-do Filipinos is that though there were many gains in the Aquino administration, these gains have not yet translated into more orderly cities, better infrastructure, more disciplined citizens.

While there has been a crackdown on corrupt politicians with the highly-publicized pork barrel investigations, corruption persists in agencies like the Land Transportation Office and Bureau of Customs. 

The upper class just want a leader who can fix these problems so they can attend to their concerns in peace – whether it’s making their businesses grow or bringing their children to school safely. 

For Duterte supporters in this economic class, Davao City, his “exhibit A,” is proof he can deliver. 

His emphatic, if simplistic, “Just stop it. I’ll do it,” is a welcome antidote to the Aquino administration’s many-worded platitudes with supposedly less action on the ground.

Duterte’s message of power attracts voters who may not be swayed by his message of care. Compare this to Grace Poe who is “all care, none of the power,” says Cornelio.

Lack of experience continues to be one of the criticisms lobbed at Poe.

One Duterte supporter in Valenzuela told me he used to support the neophyte senator but realized “she doesn’t have the political will Duterte has.” 

Another supporter in Catanauan, Quezon even dismissed Poe just because she is a woman. “She’s too soft. She can’t make tough decisions,” he said.

If this dual message is working for Duterte, it will also put a ton of pressure on him if he wins. 

With less than two weeks before election day, voters should be mindful of what to reasonably expect from their candidates.

“The expectations are going to be so high. My fear is, Duterte has the ability to raise expectations. What about his ability to meet them?” said Arugay.

Supporters must ask themselves if they should be satisfied with a sparsely explained anti-crime promise and theatrical pronouncements on his last resort should China continue to contest Philippine jurisdiction over the West Philippine Sea.

Voters should appreciate the massive gap between the job of a mayor, no matter how large his city is, and the job of a president.

"Can he transcend being a city mayor? Because the Philippines is not just Davao magnified. It's more complex. It's a different ball game," said Arugay.

The end-game is close at hand, and in a few days we will see if Duterte’s dual message will propel him to Malacañang. – With a report from Patty Pasion/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The Philippine government seems to be a favorite target of hacking, given the number of defaced websites in recent years.

Following in the footsteps of so-called hacktivists, some have resorted to breaching systems to voice their concerns to government.

The Cybercrime Prevention Act in 2012 controversy alone attracted numerous cyberattacks from subgroups allegedly attached to Anonymous Philippines. Hackers defaced at least 20 government websites when the new law took effect in October that year.

The group went on to hack more than 100 government websites to protest several issues – including the slow Internet and the Mamasapano encounter which both erupted in 2015. On March 27 this year, Anonymous Philippines breached the Commission on Elections’ website to push them to use the security features of the vote-counting machines in the coming May elections.

The problematic state of cybersecurity in the Philippines, however, was put under the spotlight only when the Comelec attack became more than just defacement. (READ: White, black, gray hat hackers: What's the diff?)

Only a day after the poll body’s website was defaced, LulzSec Pilipinas got hold of Comelec data and made it publicly available. Security experts warned that the leakage of important information – including voter registration data – could result in “massive identity theft by preying criminals”. (READ: Experts fear identity theft, scams due to Comelec leak)

It became more disastrous when a website made the entire illegally-obtained and highly personal data searchable. The data breach, according to security firm Trend Micro, made Filipino voters "susceptible to fraud and other risks.”

With the worrisome increasing trend of cyberattacks, how does the Philippines rate in cybersecurity?

Poor performance

The Philippines, based on various cybersecurity reports, may not be as prepared compared to other countries.

In 2014, the country ranked 9^th among Asia Pacific countries when it comes to cybersecurity readiness, according to the Global Cybersecurity Index (GCI).

In the 3^rd quarter of 2015, meanwhile, Kaspersky Lab reported that the Philippines took the 33rd spot out of 233 countries prone to cybersecurity threats – a huge jump from the previous quarter’s 43^rd rank.

The security firm warned that the rise indicates that “cyberattacks against the Philippines are accelerating at full speed.”

It may not show now, but “there is no doubt that cybercriminals are now noticing the country”, with 17% of Filipino users’ systems infected with malicious programs or malware used by cybercriminals.

Symantec’s latest Internet Security Threat Report (ISTR) said the Philippines placed 20th globally and 3rd in the Asia Pacific region for social media scams.

It added that in 2015, the country was hit by an average of 17 ransomware attacks a day – a type of virus that prevents a user from accessing his system.

Lack of IT security professionals

One of the weaknesses of the Philippines, according to Rene Jaspe of information security consulting company Sinag Solutions, is the low number of practicing cybersecurity professionals.

For instance, there are only 84 Certified Information Systems Security Professionals (CISSP) who are Filipinos. Out of this number, 40 are working overseas.

The roster of practicing CISSPs – just one of the most recognized information security certifications – in the Philippines is so short compared to other countries. Other Asian nations have a relatively high number of CISSPs: Indonesia has 107, Thailand has 189, Malaysia has 275, and Singapore has a whopping 1,000 experts.

The small circle of cybersecurity experts in the Philippines is problematic, considering the rising number of cyberattacks several institutions have faced in recent years.

According to the 2014-2015 Cybercrime Report of the Department of Justice’s Office of Cybercrime, cyberespionage attacks or intellectual property theft is on the rise as a major threat.

In fact, 31% of the tallied attacks in recent years were directed against small businesses, while 33% of the 614 recorded cybercrime incidents involved internet/ATM fraud and identity theft.

Network security firm FireEye, meanwhile, reported in 2016 that organizations based in the country are “twice as likely to face an advanced cyberattack compared to the worldwide average.” It added that 30% of their customers were targeted by advanced persistent threat groups (APTs).

Aside from businesses, one of the main targets of cybercriminals is government, the firm added.

Higher budget vs cyberattacks

The Philippines has a number of laws addressing cyberattacks such as the Cybercrime Prevention Act. However, these laws only deal with the aftermath of an attack and not so much with prevention.

For private individuals, there are a number of ways to defend computer systems and personal information from ill-minded hackers. (READ: How to protect your computer vs cyberattacks)

For government and organizations, Jaspe said they should remember that “security is not a one-time thing but a business process.”

In order to be considered as having firm security measures, Jaspe estimated that 10%-15% of the information technology (IT) budget should be allocated for cybersecurity infrastructure. This allocation, however, should be higher, especially if an organization falls under the “interesting targets” category.

It may be expensive but the long-term effects and security are worth it. In the United States, for example, President Barack Obama proposed to allocate $19 billion (P889.5 billion)* in their 2017 budget for cybersecurity, following reports that cyberattacks are the most imminent security threat his country faces.

In the Philippines, unfortunately, government budget constraints have often led to cybersecurity being put in the backburner.

This may change in the coming year as a memorandum released on April 4, 2016 by the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) now lists the formulation and implementation of the government’s cybersecurity plan and enhancement of cybercrime-solving capabilities of Philippine authorities as part of the 2017 Budget Priorities Framework.

Correcting mistakes

In the event that an organization falls victim to cybercriminals, Jaspe said the best thing to do afterwards is to “harden the platform” of systems.

Given the biggest data leak that's worrisome to 55 million Filipino voters, it's about time the country strengthens its cybersecurity measures.

In its ICT Manifesto for the Philippines for 2016 and Beyond, Microsoft pointed out the need for teamwork between the industry and government agencies to enhance cybersecurity.

The Philippine government should tap the technology sector in the country to assess vulnerabilities, and design strong IT systems. Microsoft also said there is a need for a framework that gives incentives to organizations that help embed cybersecurity measures.

Microsoft added that an army of cybersecurity professionals should be developed so that they can be tapped by government. This can be done by training individuals through the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) and other cheap higher educational institutions.

In the end, government cannot afford to wait for another 23-year-old fresh graduate to get “bored” and test his hacking skills. – Rappler.com

Read more about the Comelec breach and how you can protect yourself:

• White, black, gray hat hackers: What's the diff?
• Experts fear identity theft, scams due to Comelec leak
• Comelec data leak puts Filipino voters 'at risk' – Trend Micro
• Is Comelec liable for website data leak?
• After Comelec data leak, what to do to protect yourself?
• Advice from banks: How to prevent identity theft

All photos from Shutterstock.

CEBU, Philippines – Campaigning for a national post isn’t easy and most candidates – and their surrogates – will have the scars and the occasional video online to prove it. 

During a Wednesday, April 27 press conference in Talisay City, reporters couldn’t help but notice several wounds and scars on Liberal Party (LP) standard-bearer Manuel Roxas III’s hands. 

“I had to put antibiotics on them because a wound once got infected,” Roxas explained to media during a chat after the presser. 

It’s not very surprising because Roxas likes immersing himself during LP rallies. He goes around the hall, the gymnasium, or even the occasional open field, making sure supporters get a chance to shake his hand, exchange a few words with locals, or take the standard selfie. 

He jokes about this once he’s on stage to deliver his speech. He’d say he felt like a statue because people kept touching him, pulling his shirt, rubbing or pinching his belly.

Another standard joke is how he’d explain the traces of lipstick on his face and shirt to his wife, broadcaster Korina Sanchez. 

But some supporters can be overly enthusiastic, causing the scars on his hands – and sometimes, on his face. Roxas doesn’t really seem to mind. 

It’s the crowd's energy, he once told reporters, where he draws his own strength from. And energy is just what candidates need with less than two weeks left in the campaign period. 

Roxas and running mate Leni Robredo’s voices have been rather hoarse the past few weeks. No doubt, the result of the gruelling hours of an average campaign day. 

Wednesday’s solution to sore throat? Chewing on boiled ginger.

Paolo dances in Pasay

Roxas’ only son, Paolo Roxas, is also sure to have interesting stories to tell from the campaign trail. 

During a rally in Pasay City, the 23-year-old busted out his dancing (in particular, ballroom-dancing) moves, swinging to the tune of his father’s campaign jingle. 

He also led cheering efforts for his dad during the last presidential debate in Dagupan City last Sunday, April 24. Taking the stage in front of supporters immediately after the debate, Paolo apologized because he lost his voice “cheering for dad.” 

The younger Roxas has also starred in a recent ad, where he spoke about his father’s track record and integrity. 

Paolo, on leave from his studies at Yale University, first took on a prominent role in the campaign when he stumped for his father during a campaign rally with President Benigno Aquino III in Laguna. An Inquirer report noted that Paolo “stood out with his height, good looks and well-toned physique.” – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – In the first 50 days of the 90-day campaign period, national candidates already poured billions of pesos into media advertisements alone.

From February 9 to March 31, presidential, vice presidential, and senatorial bets collectively spent P2.7 billion, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) said on Wednesday, April 27.

“That comes up to an average of P54 million in ad spend every day, or P2.25 million in ad spend every hour, by the candidates to national posts,” PCIJ reported, based on data from Nielsen Media.

Nielsen's findings are based on the published rate cards for television, radio, print, and outdoor ad placements.

The biggest spender of them all, based on Nielsen data, is Vice President Jejomar Binay, who already shelled out nearly P345 million on media ads alone from February 9 until the end of March.

Poe comes a close second at P331.4 million, while Mar Roxas spent relatively less at only P157.8 million during the same period. This is quite modest compared to his 2010 vice presidential bid, where he was tagged the biggest spender on media ads.

The Liberal Party (LP), however, also spent P54.3 million in tandem ads for Roxas and his runningmate Leni Robredo. In the 2010 election, LP was the biggest campaign spender. 

Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte spent around P110.4 million during the same February to March 2016 period. The lowest spender was Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago whose People's Reform Party paid P59.14 million for her ads. 

In danger of overspending?

Binay and Poe already spent more than half of the allowed campaign spending of 2016 presidential candidates, which is P557.4 million each. (READ: Can candidates spend like crazy on campaigns?)

This means Binay can spend only around P212.4 million for the rest of his campaign from April 1 to May 7, while Poe has only P226 million left.

A 30-second primetime ad on ABS-CBN costs around P831,000 a pop, while 15-second ads aired on other time slots may cost lower, ranging from P300,000 to P500,000.

Given these figures, Binay and Poe can afford a maximum of only around 255 30-seconder primetime ads for 36 days. We get to see them on TV at least 7 times a day during primetime hours.

This, however, is just a rough calculation. Binay and Poe, of course, are still spending on rallies, logistics, and other on-the-ground campaign activities. 

This means the two have to make their remaining budget fit all their remaining campaign gimmicks both on the ground and in the media.

Since Binay spent P345 million on media ads in 50 days, it means he spent P6.9 million per day on average. If he runs at the same pace for the remaining 36 days, he could be spending a total of P248.4 million, or more than what the law allows.

Meanwhile, Poe spent P6.6 million per day on average, which may put her remaining 36-day ad spending at P237.6 million.

Both these projected figures are beyond Binay's and Poe's remaining campaign budgets they are allowed to spend.

Will they comply or overspend? The latter could result in disqualification and jail time – if election laws are strictly enforced.

Campaign spending is monitored by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) Campaign Finance Office (CFO) during the entire stretch of the campaign period from February 9 until May 7. 

Campaign overspending is an election offense. Violators face disqualification, jail time of one to 6 years, and removal of their right to vote.

Fat cats

It's also interesting to note that Binay's ad placement spending during the first 50 days of his 2016 presidential campaign is already bigger than his overall spending for his 90-day vice presidential campaign in 2010.

After the election, whether she wins or not, Poe also has some explaining to do. (READ: Poe used corporate donors for campaigns)

In February 2016, Poe admitted that San Miguel Corporation and Helitrend Corporation either lent or rented out jets for her 2016 campaign sorties.

Corporate donations are in violation of two separate laws: the Corporation Code and the Omnibus Election Code, which were implemented in 1980 and 1985, respectively.

"[N]o corporation, domestic or foreign, shall give donations in aid of any political party or candidate or for purposes of partisan political activity." – Corporation Code

Poe, however, is not alone.

Other candidates

Senatorial bet Francis Tolentino also listed a corporate donor, Patriot Freedom Inc, as a sponsor for his ABS-CBN campaign ads worth P15.9 million.

"Tolentino is a dead man walking, he shouldn't run anymore. He already violated rules," said Heaven Torres of Fearless PH, a company specializing on campaign finance.

The Comelec, however, could not give a solid answer as of this writing.

"What Comelec CFO does is refer to the Securities and Exchange (SEC) Commission because the violation there is the Corporation Code. So we don't have jurisdiction there," CFO lead campaign finance lawyer Sonia Bea Wee-Lozada told Rappler.

The Comelec CFO and its partner agencies – SEC, the Bureau of Internal Revenue, and the Anti-Money Laundering Council – can only get their gears going in June and beyond.

Under election laws, candidates are only required to disclose their full campaign spending reports 30 days after the election.

And even if cases are filed, this does not mean quick on-the-spot disqualification. The whole legal process may take a while, according to Wee-Lozada.

One example is the disqualification of ER Ejercito as Laguna governor.

Tricky, tricky

VP bets are not backing down at the spending game either.

Among all VP candidates, Robredo had the biggest ad spending during the first 50 days of the campaign period at P237.2 million. Francis Escudero was second at P236.2 million.

Meanwhile, Senator Alan Peter Cayeteno forked out P172.4 million during the same period. Senator Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr shelled out P42.8 million.

Election laws cover only the official campaign period, hence the money spent by candidates before February 9 is not monitored by the Comelec.

PCIJ earlier reported that all presidential bets, except for Santiago, forked out hundreds of millions of pesos on "pre-campaign ads" as early as March 2015. (READ: Billions spent by candidates before campaign period)

In fact, national candidates spent a total of P800 million from February 1 to 8, the final week before the official campaign period kicked off.

To avoid being charged with campaign overspending, many aspiring public servants throw in their cash before the official campaign period, poll watchdogs have observed.

Since there is no law regulating "pre-campaign" spending, candidates are free to spend as much as they want before February 9. (READ: Some candidates dishonest in campaign spending)

During the final week before the official campaign period, senatorial candidate Martin Romualdez spent P120.7 million on ads.

The congressman spent even more than Binay, who forked out P115.7 million during the same week.

Roxas, who is seeking the presidency, topped Romualdez at P136.3 million.

Several senatorial bets were also far from thrifty during the week of February 1 to 8. Big money was spent on pre-campaign ads:

• TESDA chief Joel Villanueva: P47 million
• Ralph Recto: P47 million
• Ping Lacson:  P36 million
• Sherwin Gatchalian: P34.6 million
• Jericho Petilla: P15 million
• Mark Lapid: P14.13 million

The excitement does not end after the election, poll watchdogs reminded the public.

The next question voters should be asking is: How did my candidate fund his multi-million peso campaign?

Who are their funders and would they like something in return? – Rappler.com

Know of any election-related wrongdoings? Use the #PHVoteWatch map to report vote buying and vote selling, campaign finance anomalies, election-related violence, campaign violations, technical glitches, and other problems observed among communities.

Together, let's each find #TheLeaderIWant and agree on who we want. To volunteer for any of these efforts, email us through move.ph@rappler.com.

While waiting for the arrival of its national candidates led by the standard-bearer, Vice President Jejomar Binay, the United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) entertained the crowd at a campaign rally in Sagñay, Camarines Sur, with a “naughty” show featuring an impersonator of sexy star Rufa Mae Quinto.*

The show, also watched by children and other minors, was held at the Sagñay Sports Complex on Tuesday, April 26.

During the show, she asked for audience participation, and a man heeded her call.

She asked him to follow whatever she asked him to do, which was to smell her in whatever part of her body she pointed to. She sang Dahan-Dahan Lang, popularized by Maja Salvador, during the show.

The crowd, which included local officials, apparently enjoyed the show. At the time, Binay’s party was conducting a motorcade in the 4th District of Camarines Sur, the  bailiwick of the powerful Fuentebella clan.

Such naughty comedic performances are usually featured in campaign rallies and even politicians' public events in the provinces, but they often go unnoticed.

Last year, netizens and women's groups slammed the  controversial performance of the Playgirls at the birthday party of the Liberal Party's Laguna 4th District Representative Benjamin Agarao.

Since the party was held right after the oath-taking of LP members at Agarao's residence, some members of the media caught the part of the celebration where the Playgirls and male guests played a game that involved grinding against each other. – Rhaydz Barcia/Rappler.com

Editor's Note: In an earlier version of this piece, we failed to indicate that the woman on stage was a mere impersonator of actress Rufa Mae Quinto. That has been corrected.

Mothers are their children’s biggest fans. Former First Lady Imelda Marcos is no different toward her son Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.

During the vice presidential candidate’s sorties in Eastern Visayas this week, Mrs Marcos made sure she was at the forefront of courting the votes of the Warays for his son.

Imelda, now congresswoman of her husband's home province of Ilocos Norte, hails from Eastern Visayas. She was a 3-term congresswoman of Leyte.

Mrs Marcos was often seen together with his departed husband’s junior, greeting voters and being a stage mother. And since this was the first time Mrs Marcos joined her son’s sortie since his proclamation rally in Ilocos Norte in February, she became the focus of media interest.

Not only did she keep her boy close to her during the whole Samar and Leyte trail, she also didn’t mind talking to the media or being photographed when they visited the cities of Catbalogan, Tacloban, and some rural areas.

“It’s fun to be with my hometown again and to see my old friends again,” she said. 

“Campaigning for votes is not all easy and fun enough for me, especially that I am 86 years old and it takes a lot of patience,” Imelda said.

Of course, the Rose of Tacloban did not miss the chance to pitch for a better future for her fellow Warays should her son get elected.

“Pero ginhihimo ko ini diri la para hit akon anak nga hi Bongbong kundi para hiton mga igkasi ko Waray-waray,” she said. (I am doing this  not only for my son Bongbong but for my fellow Waray-waray.)

“I just hope and appeal to all my fellow 'Waray-waray' to choose my son Bongbong because I know the country and the entire Eastern Visayas would become better,” she said. – Jazmin Bonifacio/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Just when he finally took the lead in presidential preference surveys, presidential candidate and Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte finds himself caught in the middle of issues pertaining to unexplained wealth.

Vice presidential candidate and Senator Antonio Trillanes IV revealed that Duterte has at least P227 million in a bank account in Manila which he didn't declare in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN).

In his 2014 SALN, which was submitted just 6 months before the filing of candidacies, he declared he has a net worth of P21.97 million – making him the "poorest" among the presidential candidates. The biggest chunk of his assets is "cash on hand/bank", worth P13.85 million – more than the amount of his combined real properties valued at P1.36 million.

But Trillanes' allegations could belie this. 

Below is the compiled SALN of Duterte from 2004 to 2014:

In an Inquirer report, Trillanes claimed that Duterte and daughter Sara held joint accounts at the Bank of the Philippine Islands (BPI) branches on Julia Vargas Avenue in Pasig City and EDSA Greenhills, and at the Banco de Oro Unibank-1 in Davao City.

Transactions amounting to P2.41 billion were supposedly found under these accounts from 2006 to 2015.

Rappler checked the SALNs filed by Duterte during these periods and found these figures, all far from the billion amount claimed by Trillanes:

Trillanes claimed that by 2014, the BPI Julia Vargas accounts had P227.41 million – far from the P13.85 million he declared in his SALN. Duterte's spokesman earlier denied the existence of this bank account.

Despite publicly signing a waiver allowing the public to look into his bank accounts, Duterte said he would not disclose his bank account details to Trillanes.

Where he got the money

As mayor, Duterte's monthly pay is pegged at Salary Grade 30 – equivalent to P78,946. That's less than a million for one year.

He has businesses, though, as stated in his SALN. Under "business interests", he declared that he is an incorporator of two entities: Honda Cars in General Santos City since 1997, and Poeng Yue Foundation in Davao City since 2012.

Based on the 2014 financial statements of these entities, their income/revenue is not considerable. For Honda Cars, for example, costs and expenditures exceeded the sales of the company.

Meanwhile, for Poeng Yue Foundation – which listed Duterte as corporate secretary and member of the board of directors in 2014 – a fund balance of P763,489.56 remained by December of that same year.

The foundation recorded a revenue of P7.67 million from donations and contributions – with Duterte himself contributing P450,000.

In both entities, Duterte's co-incorporators include Samuel Uy, who provided a loan to Duterte based on his 2013 and 2014 SALNs.

Republic Act 6713 specifies that public officials are prohibited from employment outside the government or from engaging in private practice. But section 7 of the law states: "Public officials and employees during their incumbency shall not:  (1) Own, control, manage or accept employment as officer, employee, consultant, counsel, broker, agent, trustee or nominee in any private enterprise regulated, supervised or licensed by their office unless expressly allowed by law; ..."

Honday City General Santos holds office outside Davao City and is not under Duterte's jurisdiction. Meanwhile, foundations like Poeng Yue Foundation are not covered by this rule.

In a Mindanews story, Duterte said that he also receives allowances for being part of various councils such as the Watershed Management Council, Regional Peace and Order Council, City Peace and Order Council, Investment Incentive Board, and Public Private Partnership Board.

His earnings in all these endeavors aren't specified and detailed in his SALNs.

Addresses

The Inquirer report also alleged that the BPI accounts indicated as Duterte home addresses Ecoland Subdivision in Barangay Matina, Davao City and P. Guevarra Street in San Juan City.

In his 2014 SALN, Duterte declared 8 residential properties – all in Davao City. One property purchased in 1998 is located in Barangay Matina, which could be the Ecoland Subdivision house.

But there is no mention of any residence outside Davao City. Duterte's past SALNs didn't indicate any property outside his home city, either.

Rappler also obtained Sara Duterte's 2010 and 2011 SALNs, and found one property outside Davao – a condominium unit in Quezon City. But no San Juan City property is specified.

She was Davao City mayor from 2010 to 2013.

If Trillanes' accusations are found to be true, Duterte will be liable for misdeclaration of his SALN – an offense that led to the impeachment of former Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona.

A public official who is found to have misdeclared any asset may be dismissed from government service.

Duterte's camp has said their presidential bet is contemplating the filing of libel charges against Trillanes for allegedly fabricating information. – with research by Gerard Lim/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The importance of, and threats against, cybersecurity became an important issue overnight in the country due to the recent Commission on Elections data breach that resulted in personal information of about 55 million voters being leaked. 

To Filipinos, defacement of websites to push a message of protest has perhaps been the most common cybersecurity threat. But other types of cyberattacks have been attempted not just in the country, but globally for years now. (READ: The state of cybersecurity in the Philippines)

For example, did you know that there were 781 recorded data breach incidents in 2015 alone? In the Philippines, meanwhile, most of the complaints received by authorities are related to online scams. 

What other important facts about cybersecurity around the world and in the Philippines should you know? Rappler breaks them down in numbers.

Better budget?

The latest cyberattack against the poll body highlighted the state of cybersecurity in the country. Despite laws that seem to keep the threats posed by cybercriminals under check, these efforts focus mainly on the aftermath of attacks. 

Budget constraints prevent the full implementation of these laws and also make it difficult for government agencies to secure their systems firmly enough against hackers. 

This may change, however, in the next few years as the formulation and implementation of the goverment's cybersecurity plan and enhancement of the cybercrime-solving capabilities of Philippine authorities have been identified as priorities in a recent memorandum released by the Department of Budget and Management. – Rappler.com

Sources: IBM's Cost of Data Breach Report, Identity Theft Resource Center, Panda Security, 2014-2015 Cybercrime Report of the Department of Justice’s Office of Cybercrime

Read more about the Comelec breach and how you can protect yourself:

• White, black, gray hat hackers: What's the diff?
• Experts fear identity theft, scams due to Comelec leak
• Comelec data leak puts Filipino voters 'at risk' – Trend Micro
• Is Comelec liable for website data leak?
• After Comelec data leak, what to do to protect yourself?
• Advice from banks: How to prevent identity theft
• The state of cybersecurity in the Philippines

MANILA, Philippines – Wherever the campaign trail has brought them for the past few months, all of the Philippines’ 5 presidential candidates found themselves in one place less than a month before the May 9 polls. 

From April 19 to 27, the presidential bets, in this order – former Interior Secretary Manuel Roxas II, Vice President Jejomar Binay, Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, Senator Grace Poe, and Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago– took turns visiting the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) Central Office in Quezon City. 

There, they all paid homage to INC Executive Minister Eduardo V. Manalo, the man with the final say over the votes of 1.37 million Filipinos.

The INC is known for its practice of bloc voting, where members elect only the candidates whom their religious leaders endorse. The winning candidates, in turn, reportedly give INC members special treatment once in office, if not grant them special favors. (READ: INC lobbies for key gov’t positions)

In this tight race to succeed President Benigno Aquino III, candidates cross their fingers for the solid vote of more than a million INC members.

Aquino himself was endorsed by the INC. His two immediate predecessors, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Joseph Estrada, also won the INC’s blessing. All of them gave the influential church some concessions.

Recent scandals involving the church, however, have cast doubt on the practice of bloc voting. Will INC members still obey their ministers on election day? And will the INC vote still matter in a race whose winner may have but a slight edge? 

'Willing to break from tradition'

A group of church members, called the Iglesia ni Cristo Thinking Voters, has said it is ready to "break from tradition" in the coming elections.

In an open letter on December 11, 2015, addressed to Philippine presidential candidates, the group Iglesia ni Cristo Thinking Voters said: "As you all know, INC is known for voting as a bloc during elections. This time, though, we are willing to break from tradition and vote for the candidate whom we feel will stand for what is right." 

The group refused to reveal its members' identities, but said they represent "majority of church members who are rebelling inside because we could no longer close our eyes to what is happening in our church."

They explained that the INC has become "a powerful and shameless bully which has no respect for the law or the government whose arm it knows it can twist to get what it wants." 

The group attributed this to the bloc voting system.

On the one hand, INC members believe bloc voting is rooted in their doctrine of unity. A least two biblical passages have been cited as basis for bloc voting:

• "How good and pleasant it is when God's people live together in unity" (Psalm 133: 1) 

• "Now I plead with you, brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you all speak the same thing, and that there be no divisions among you, but that you be perfectly joined together in the same mind and in the same judgment" (1 Corinthians 1: 10)

On the other hand, the Iglesia ni Cristo Thinking Voters said, bloc voting has been abused for years.

"Needless to say, previous presidents and administrations have created a monster. Over the years, it has been allowed to grow in size and influence, and as proven by recent events, it now wields more power than the State. At the root of all evil is the precious bloc votes," the group said.

They added in their letter, "Expect us to speak loudly and clearly come election time." 

2016 elections a first

Published 5 months after scandals erupted in the INC, this letter is one of the signs that the 2016 elections is a first for the century-old church. It is a first because of the unprecedented controversies surrounding it today. 

In July 2015, days before its 101st anniversary, scandals involving alleged corruption as well as a family feud began to rock the INC. (READ: Revolt in the Iglesia ni Cristo)

No less than Angel Manalo, brother of INC executive minister Eduardo Manalo, faced the media to slam “many acts of corruption in the church.” Later, informed sources told Rappler that INC leaders have been using planes worth billions of pesos, among others.

This prompted members to question the lifestyles of their leaders, followed by many signs of division.

For example, the INC's anti-government rally in September 2015 drew a smaller crowd compared to other church events in the past. The rally attracted up to 20,000 protestors, when earlier events had as many as 700,000 church members.

This is why it's clear: For expelled INC member Lowell Menorca II, recent scandals will affect the INC's practice of bloc voting this year.

In an exclusive interview with Rappler’s Chay Hofileña, Menorca, who first fled to Vietnam due to a reported death threat on his young daughter, said many INC members "are protesting in different ways" because of the church-related controversies. (READ: Ex-INC member Menorca: No hope for justice in PH) 

"Kaya isang paraan din nila ng pagpo-protest is huwag nilang susuportahan ‘yung i-eendorso ngayon ng pamamahala sa darating na halalan. Nakikita kasi ‘yan ngayon na pinaka-ugat ng korupsyon sa INC," Menorca said.

(One of their ways of protesting is not to support the ones endorsed by the leadership in the coming elections. This is because it’s seen to be the root of corruption in the INC.)

Votes in exchange for donations?

And corruption due to bloc voting comes in many forms, Menorca said.

For instance, if there's a court case involving INC members, church leaders can make special arrangements with the politicians they endorsed. The cases could drag or be dismissed. "Ito na 'yung payback time," Menorca said. (This becomes payback time.)

He said the "special consideration" for the INC blurs the so-called separation of church and state enshrined in the Philippine Constitution. 

Many INC members, he claimed, won’t support bloc voting because they don’t want corruption to taint their church.

"'Yung boto, bloc voting ng INC, unfortunately, it is no longer existent. Akala lang nila – pero ‘yung mga kapatid ngayon, hindi na nila susuportahan ito," Menorca said. (The bloc voting of the INC, unfortunately, it is no longer existent. They just think it is – but our brethren nowadays no longer support it.)

Menorca also cited "very serious allegations" that politicians "donate" to the INC to gain, or in effect buy, the church’s support for the elections.

A letter in May 2010, for instance, showed a mayor in the province of Bulacan introducing himself to current INC executive minister Eduardo Manalo. In this letter, the mayor said, he had donated at least P210,000 ($4,554) to the INC through one of its members in exchange for an endorsement.

Menorca said stories of politicians donating money in exchange for the INC’s support have become "an open secret."

The former INC member said it wasn’t always this way.

INC vote 'very solid' before

Menorca, whose father served under the late INC executive minister Eraño “Erdie” Manalo, said the INC vote was “very solid” under the previous leadership.

Back then, he said, donations in exchange for votes had been mostly unheard of. 

“During the time of Ka Erdie, ‘pagka nagkakaroon ng mga ganyang issue, agad na iniimbestigahan. Kung sino man ang napatunayan na nasangkot o may kinalaman sa mga ganyang mga bagay, pinatitiwalag at pinakakasuhan,” Menorca said.

(During the time of Brother Erdie, whenever there was such an issue, they immediately investigated it. Whoever is proven involved in these things is excommunicated and charged.)

These days, he said, instead of acting on such reports, the INC runs after the whistleblowers instead.

“Kaya medyo nawala ‘yung checks and balances sa loob ng church administration,” he said. (That’s why we lost the checks and balances within the church administration.)

Rappler sought an interview with INC spokesman Edwil Zabala about bloc voting, but he declined to be interviewed.

Zabala said on April 19, "We must respectfully decline because we do not want to be misconstrued as meddling in politics."

"Also, the May 9 elections are still weeks away and the Iglesia ni Cristo, being a Church, is focused on ecclesiastical activities. As was done in the past, our members will vote come election day, after which we will continue with our various Church activities," he said.

Sought again for comment on Menorca's statements, among other things, Zabala replied on April 20: "The Church stands by its belief that in the end, the truth will prevail, justice will be served, and all of our critics' actuations will eventually be exposed for what they truly are: a calculated attempt to gain the sympathy of the media and the public at the expense of the INC and its members."

The INC is set to release its list of candidates close to election day. In February this year, according to The Standard Poll done by Laylo Research Strategies, Senator Grace Poe was the INC members' most preferred presidential candidate.

'Obey without questioning'

Menorca's claims find basis among a number of INC members.

Martha (not her real name) said bloc voting was the practice that baffled her the most when she, a former Catholic, joined the INC along with her family. For one, she asked, how do they decide whom to endorse?

Despite her doubts, Martha said she practiced bloc voting in 2010 and 2013. 

One of her turning points, however, was in 2013, when she was forced to vote for Nancy Binay, daughter of the Vice President, as senator. Binay, who won, was reportedly one of the senatorial candidates endorsed by the INC in 2013.

Nancy Binay had been criticized for her lack of experience when she vied for the Senate.

"Naiiyak ako na binoto ko si Nancy Binay," she said. (I wanted to cry that I voted for Nancy Binay.)

Later, she said, issues surrounding the INC also affected her. 

Martha said: "Kaya this coming elections, I don’t feel na sumunod sa kanila kasi parang ‘di na ‘ko naniniwala sa mga sinasabi nila." (This coming elections, I don’t feel like following them because I don’t believe the things they say.)

Like Martha, Cecilia (not her real name) said she will break the INC’s bloc voting policy this year, as she did in the previous elections.

"I believe it is my right to choose my own candidate," she said. 

Cecilia also believes that "the bloc vote is being used by some powerful INC members for their own interests."

On the other hand, Rose (not her real name) said she still intends to follow bloc voting despite issues hounding the INC.

"Binabase ko 'yung pagsunod ko doon sa doktrina ng INC na huwag magkampi-kampi," she said. (I base my obedience on the doctrine of the INC on not taking sides against each other.)

She added, "Kaya may kontrobersya dahil nahahayag na ang mga maling ginagawa. Pero sa akin, hindi 'yun dahilan para hindi na ako sumunod sa Diyos." (There's a controversy because the evil being done is being revealed. But for me, that's not reason enough not to follow God.)

Like Rose, Mario (not his real name) pledges to vote for the candidates anointed by their church leaders. 

For Mario, it boils down to one thing: the doctrine of unity.

The INC, for its part, is not taking any chances.

On April 17, an INC insider said the church’s leadership sent a strong message – perhaps also a warning – throughout its 5,000 churches and congregations in the Philippines.

In the face of recent controversies, the message, in effect, to followers was: "Whoever the executive minister will choose to vote, we will obey. Obey without questioning. Without arguing. Without commenting." – Rappler.com

$1 = P46.11

Some allies of former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo have said she is supporting the presidential bid of Vice President Jejomar Binay, but photos posted by the lawyer of another presidential candidate on a social media site indicated otherwise.

On April 11, Salvador Panelo, the lawyer of Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, posted photos he took at Arroyo's birthday celebration in her La Vista residence on April 5.

The caption of the photos said, "Taken during the birthday bash of a celebrated friend in her La Vista home with volunteer ladies for Mayor Duterte on April 5."

The Supreme Court had earlier granted Arroyo's request to celebrate her 69th birthday in her La Vista home. Arroyo is seeking reelection for her third term as Pampanga representative on May 9.

All the photos were set for public sharing since they were posted on April 11 until early Tuesday, May 3. But around noontime Tuesday, the photos that included either Panelo or Arroyo were set to private.

The anti-graft court Sandiganbayan ordered Arroyo's arrest in October 2012 for her involvement in the alleged misuse of P366-million Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO) intelligence funds from 2008 to 2010.

Since then, she has been in hospital detention at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center (VMMC) in Quezon City. Arroyo herself is suffering from multilevel cervical spondylosis or the wearing of the bones.

In March, former Quezon representative Danilo Suarez told Rappler: “There is no formal proclamation yet, but minus the formal proclamation, the marching order of the former president is to help the Vice President." (READ: Arroyo to allies: Help Binay win)

Suarez – co-chair of Arroyo's political party, Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats (Lakas-CMD), the political party of Arroyo – is among the advisers in the Binay campaign associated with Arroyo, along with former interior secretary Ronaldo Puno,  former finance secretary Margarito "Gary" Teves, former presidential spokesman Rigoberto Tiglao, and Renato Velasco.

Another Arroyo ally supporting Binay is former Zambales representative Mitos Magsaysay.

Binay had also said that if he wins, he would appoint two former Arroyo Cabinet members – Teves and former trade secretary Peter Favila.

Binay was the first presidential candidate to express support for Arroyo's bid for house arrest. The second was Duterte.

During a campaign rally in February, Duterte said if elected president, he will order the release of Arroyo as he believed that the "evidence against her is weak." (READ: What has happened to Arroyo plunder case)

Former Armed Forces chief Hermoneges Esperon Jr, who served as Presidential Management Staff chief during the Arroyo administration, is a known supporter of the mayor.

Duterte, who had served Arroyo's administration as anti-crime consultant, is the poll front-runner among the presidential aspirants. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – While the whole country has up to 6 personalities to choose from as the next president or vice president, some provinces and towns don't have that much choice as leaders for their own localities.

Based on the official list of local candidates provided by the Commission on Elections (Comelec), there are 545 candidates running without an opponent, making them practically sure winners after the May 9 elections.

This set of lone candidates include:

• 39 running for congress
• 14 running for governor
• 14 running for vice governor
• 222 running for mayor
• 256 running for vice mayor

These unchallenged candidates are spread over 73 provinces across the country. Only the provinces of Agusan del Norte, Camarines Sur, Guimaras, Marinduque, Samar, Siquijor, Surigao del Norte, and Zambales don't have lone candidates.

On the map below, click on the dots to see the number of lone candidates per province.

Among the 73 provinces with lone candidates, Ilocos Sur has the most number – 25, including its lone gubernatorial candidate Ryan Luis Singson and vice gubernatorial candidate Jerry Singson.

This is followed by Isabela with 21 unopposed candidates, and Maguindanao with 20 uncontested candidates.

All these lone candidates account for 15% of the combined total number of candidates running for these 5 local positions. (READ: By the numbers: Candidates in the 2016 elections)

These candidates may have the advantage of an easy campaign (or none at all) since they will only need a vote each to win the elections.

And while the uncontested candidates benefit from this advantage, voters in these areas, on the other hand, won't have any other choice on election day.

Returning uncontested

Not only are they uncontested candidates. Majority of those running unopposed for congressional, gubernatorial, and mayoral positions are reelectionists. And since they are unopposed, they are assured of yet another 3 years in office.

Based on the Comelec figures, 32 of the 39 lone congressional candidates are reelectionists – as are 11 of the 14 lone gubernatorial candidates, and 136 of the 222 lone mayoral candidates.

Of the remaining, most of them carry the same surname as those of the incumbents they are seeking to replace. Though a different face, the same political family will rule in the next 3 years.

In Mountain Province, special elections will be held within the year after the death of lone gubernatorial candidate and reelectionist Governor Leonard Mayaen.

Mayaen, who died of a heart attack on March 31, has no political party, so there is no one who can replace him in his uncontested bid for reelection.

Lone tandems

And while there are lone gubernatorial and mayoral candidates, there are also uncontested gubernatorial and vice gubernatorial candidates.

Some areas even have either both lone gubernatorial and vice gubernatorial candidates, or mayoral and vice mayoral bets – giving residents no choice on who to vote for, for these positions.

There are 9 provinces that have both uncontested gubernatorial and vice gubernatorial candidates. They are concentrated in nothern Luzon and Mindanao.

Meanwhile, there are 137 towns and cities with both lone mayoral and vice mayoral candidates.

Most of these lone tandems even come from the same political parties.

For these provinces and cities/towns, all they have to figure out in the canvassing would be the board members and the city/municipal councilors.

See the list of all local candidates in the links below:

• Luzon: NCR | CAR | Region 1 | Region 2 | Region 3 | Region 4A | Region 4B | Region 5
• Visayas: Region 6 | Negros Island Region | Region 7 | Region 8
• Mindanao: Region 9 | Region 10 | Region 11 | Region 12 | Region 13 | ARMM

– with research by interns Glenda Marie Castro, Czarina Lopez, and Welhemina Seda/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The poor comprise a majority of Filipino voters, thus it's important to know how they perceive elections and assess candidates. 

In this interview, Dr Filomeno Aguilar Jr, professor at the Ateneo de Manila University and former dean of the school of social sciences, talks about initial findings of a landmark study on the vote of the poor. (READ: Vote selling among the poor a 'logical' decision – think tank)

Aguilar tells Marites Vitug, editor at large of Rappler, that the poor have nuanced views on vote-buying and grapple with moral reasons when they accept money from candidates. 

The respondents of their study view vote-buying in 5 ways: as blessing, as something that is rightfully theirs, as an economic transaction, as easy money, and as “dead money” or something that has dark sources.

"Bobotante," after all, may be a term that cuts through economic classes.

Listen in and send us your feedback. – Rappler.com

Remember that San Juan City address in the Bank of the Philippines (BPI) bank statement of presidential candidate Rodrigo Duterte? Senator and vice presidential candidate Antonio Trillanes IV included 386 P. Guevarra Street in the alleged list of properties the Davao City mayor owned – this, on top of the bank accounts that supposedly contained millions of pesos.

We found that the amounts in the supposed bank accounts did not match what had been declared in his Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth (SALN). 

We checked out the San Juan property used by Duterte and daughter Sarah as home address for their joint account at BPI Julia Vargas branch in Pasig and found that it wasn't declared in Duterte’s current and past SALNS either.

A source had confirmed that Duterte had indeed bought a townhouse in San Juan when he was a congressman. He served as representative of Davao City's 1st district from 1998 to 2001.

Duterte's son Sebastian nicknamed Baste, came out and claimed ownership of the townhouse. In an Inquirer report, Baste said that Duterte bought the townhouse for him in 2001, when he was just 13 years old and was about to start schooling at San Beda.

The townhouse has a total floor area of 222 square meters, stands on a 107 square meter lot, and was bought from businessman Eduardo Bangayan, according to the Inquirer. It had a declared value of more than P1.5 million when purchased by Duterte.

When the property was purchased, Sebastian was still a minor (he turned 18 in 2006). His assets should have also been disclosed in Duterte’s SALN. The SALN guidelines say that officials should declare the assets of his/her spouse and children below 18 years old.

The guidelines, however, further specified: SALN declarations shall include the properties, liabilities, business interests, and financial connections "of the declarant, his/her spouse and unmarried children below 18 years of age living in his/her household."

Though Sebastian was probably still being supported by his father from 2001 to 2005, he was living away and was not part of his father’s household then. This SALN guideline could very well be the reason why Duterte didn't declare the P. Guevarra property in his list of assets. 

Is he off the hook, his critics are asking. – Reynaldo Santos Jr/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – In the 2010 elections, over 90% (511 of 557) of valid ballots in one clustered precinct in Barangay Maliksi III, Bacoor, Cavite were not counted due to over-voting. This covered all positions on the front of the ballot: president, vice-president, senator, and party-list positions.

Over-voting happens when a voter shades or chooses more than the intended number of winners for a particular contest.  

In the same year, another precinct, this time in Pantukan, Compostela Valley also registered an abnormally high over-voting rate. If the machine counts were to be believed, some 74% and 73% of voters in this precinct over-voted for the senator and party-list positions, respectively.

These were some of the extreme cases of over-voting which are evident from a scrutiny of precinct-level data from the Transparency Server, which provides quick access by the public to precinct-level results in real time.

In the 2013 elections, over-votes for the party-list contests affected almost 2.8 million ballots. This number is more than twice the number of votes obtained by Buhay, the group that got the most number of votes in the party-list race.

The number of over-votes for the senatorial contest was close to 0.7 million, almost equal the lead of Senator Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan, who edged out Richard Gordon for the 12th spot in the senatorial race. The number of over-votes still excludes the precincts that did not transmit to the transparency server, so the number could actually be higher.

Individual voters should make sure that the Board of Election Inspectors notes if their ballots are incorrectly read by the vote counting machines – as in the case of unintended over-voting.

According to lawyer Ona Caritos of the Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente), if a significant number of ballots is tampered with, leading to unintended over-voting, this could be used as a basis for complaints that could, in turn, lead to a declaration of failure of elections in that area.

Causes of an over-vote?

When an over-vote happens, none of the votes cast for that particular position will be counted. This would be the case when a ballot has more marks than the number required for a particular contest, which is usually 1 for most positions, 12 for senators, 6 or 8 for provincial board members, and so on. 

What can cause an over-vote? There are several reasons:

1. When they are overheated, vote counting machines are alleged to read a vertical line running down the ballot, leading to multiple ovals being counted as shaded and finally being counted as over-voting.

2. As tests done with the PCOS (now VCMs) machines have shown, the ink used to mark the ballots could spread to the other side of the ballot or to adjacent parts of the ballot.

3. Human error due to misinformation about the allowed number of candidates one could vote for, or miscounting the number of candidates one has marked, especially for the senatorial position.

One of the advantages of an automated election system is that there is now access to an unprecedented level of detail that has not been available before. This includes the number of over-votes per precinct that are made available to accredited media organizations and election watchdogs.

Provincial over-voting rates

To be able to compare over-voting rates across provinces and the two automated elections, the two national positions that were common to both elections were selected: the party-list representative and the senators.

Top 3 over-voting provinces in 2010

Top 3 over-voting provinces in 2013

Going by province, Negros Occidental consistently appeared on the top of the ranking for top incidence rates of over-voting in both elections. In 2013, the Philippine Star reported that Negros Occidental had 5 ballot boxes sent to the Comelec after the random manual audit (RMA) found variances.

The national over-voting rate for the position of senator was 1.53% in 2010 and 2.14% in 2013. For party-list representative, it was much higher, at 3.38% and 8.86% in 2010 and 2013, respectively. This translates to almost 1.2 million voters in 2010 and almost 2.8 million voters in 2013.

Over-voting precincts

Having established the national over-voting rates, we don’t expect a precinct to then deviate by a large margin from that.

The 2010 automated elections had much less precincts encountering over-voting, with less than 1% of the precincts encountering more than 10% over-voting. In 2013, the number exploded to more than 30% of precincts.

There were 6 precincts that had more than half or 50% of its ballots considered as over-voting for the party-list position in 2010. This number jumped to 104 in 2013.

One of the 6 precincts in 2010 was clustered precinct 50 in Barangay Maliksi III in Bacoor, Cavite. 92% (513 of 557) of its valid ballots were not counted due to over-voting, for both senator and party-list positions. A precinct in Pantukan, Compostela Valley similarly had 74% and 73% over-voting for the senator and party-list positions, respectively. For both of these precincts, the president and vice-president positions also had the same rates of over-voting but had less than 5% for other positions which appeared on the other side of the physical ballot.

The other 4 precincts only registered high over-voting for the party-list position but had less than 2% over-voting for the senator position. Only the over-voting in the precincts in Bacoor and Pantukan could then be conclusively attributed to the vertical-line problem mentioned earlier. Interestingly, in 2013, Bacoor did not have any of its results transmitted to the transparency server.

Of the 104 precincts in 2013 with more than 50% over-voting for the partylist position, 27 precincts also had more than 50% over-voting for the position of senator. More than half of the 27 were in cities.

One of these 27 precincts is a clustered precinct in Mariano Ponce Elementary School in Tondo, Manila where 78% and 71% of its ballots were considered as having over-voted for the positions of party-list representative and senator, respectively. This could not be explained by voter error alone. There were 3 precincts in Quezon City and one in Mandaluyong.

Maliksi vs Saquilayan

In the 2010 elections, Homer Saquilayan was declared winner for the position of mayor of Imus, Cavite. Emmanuel Maliksi, who lost by 8,499 votes, filed an election protest with the Regional Trial Court of Imus, alleging instances of over-voting that were not registered as such by the PCOS machines.

The RTC agreed with Maliksi and declared him winner in its September 2011 decision, invalidating 7,758 votes of Saquilayan as over-votes and appreciating an additional 1,406 votes for Maliksi.

Saquilayan filed an appeal with the Comelec. The Comelec deemed the physical ballot

deeming the physical ballots as tampered and  that were used by the RTC decision as basis as tampered, opened up the digital images of the ballots that were recorded by the PCOS machines. The Comelec ruled in August 2012 that there were almost no over-voting for most precincts and that Saquilayan won by 8,429 votes over Maliksi.

The Supreme Court under Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno issued a temporary restraining order (TRO) that stopped the Comelec from enforcing its decision to reinstate Saquilayan.

Less than two months before the succeeding election, the Supreme Court voted 8-7 to uphold the Comelec decision. A month later, the SC reversed its decision, citing the need for due process, and allowed Maliksi to stay in power.

Importance of the Random Manual Audit 

Random Manual Audits are useful for checking instances of the voting machines not working as expected. The Comelec, according to Vera Files, announced tripling the number of precincts that will be audited.

The 2016 General Instructions for the conduct of the Random Manual Audit provides for specific instructions to record instances of over-voting. This is done prior to the reading of votes cast. It also specifies that over-voting in any particular position will not invalidate the entire ballot.

The final report of the Random Manual Audit in 2013 showed that the PCOS machines in 2013 were more accurate than in 2010. The audits showed that machines registered 99.975% and 99.6% accuracy in 2013 and 2010, respectively. The law mandates an accuracy of 99.995%.

Voter vigilance

It is expected that there should be less incidences of undetected over-voting with the vote receipts mandated by the Supreme Court. In the 2010 and 2013 elections, the voters were unable to check if their votes were read correctly.

The Comelec advises the public that if they encounter any problem in voting, the proper way of filing complaints is to have these noted by election inspectors in their minutes, such as when the vote counting machines incorrectly recorded their votes as over-votes.

Lente advises voters to immediately check their ballot if there are any markings on it. It is possible for these markings to remain unspotted without voters deliberately looking at the ballots. – Rappler.com

DAVAO CITY, Philippines – One night, former press secretary Jesus Dureza was driving home late in this city. As he eased his car to a stop at the traffic light, a taxi drove up beside him. 

The taxi driver rolled down his window.

“Pards,” said the taxi driver. It was no ordinary driver. It was Rodrigo Duterte, the city mayor.

“Anong ginagawa mo diyan, nagda-drive ka ng taxi?” said a flabbergasted Dureza. 

Duterte said he had heard from taxi drivers that they were recently being victimized by hold-up gangs in the dead of night.

“Gusto ko ako ‘yung ma-holdup eh, kasi gusto ko ako ‘yung personally titira sa kanila eh,” the mayor had supposedly told Dureza, his friend since their high school days at the Holy Cross Academy of Digos. (I want to be the victim of a hold-up so I can personally deal with them.) 

This is the image of the crime-fighting Duterte that many people, especially Davaoeños, have come to love. He is proclaimed a man of the people, so involved in their concerns that he puts himself in the shoes of victims. 

Many have described him as a “hands-on” leader, especially when it comes to his supposed specialty, peace and order.

It is this experience that Duterte proposes to use on a national scale, should destiny grant him the presidency this May.

No wonder his most famous campaign promise is to “suppress” crime in 3 to 6 months. Yet he has been very sparse in his explanations about how he’ll actually pull this off.

But a closer look at his proposals shows a similarity to the strategy he employed in Davao City, starting in 1988 when he first became mayor. 

The question is, will his local strategy work on a national scale? Is his approach comprehensive enough to address not only street crime, but blue-collar crime like cybercrime and money laundering as well? (READ: The promise of busting crime and why it's old news)

Rappler interviewed close associates, police, military, crime experts, Davao City local journalists, and political science experts to understand Duterte’s crime-fighting strategy and the challenges it faces.

Part 1 of strategy: Incentives for military, police

“I will double the salaries of the military and police,” Duterte was often heard saying during public rallies, to the cheers of the crowd.

This was the first step in his anti-crime plan that he spoke about openly. Duterte believes the salary increase is the best way to stop corruption among the ranks of law enforcers. Given the low pay, especially for the lower officers, they are easily bribed or intimidated by powerful crime syndicates.

It's similar to what he did in Davao City.

Retired police general Rodolfo “Boogie” Mendoza Jr, who was a lieutenant assigned in Davao in the 1970s to 1990s, remembers Duterte’s “Bulad, Bugas” program of giving dried fish and rice to military and police as a form of assistance or reward to them. 

It was in the early 1990s that Task Force Davao, a joint military and police effort, was formed specifically to crack down on crime.  

The city government, under Duterte, allotted P1.5 million a month from its Peace and Order Fund for members of the task force. 

“PNP are given allowance. The PNP in Davao City receive rice and P1,000 a month. If a family member gets sick, hospitalization is automatic. If you tell the mayor about the hospital bills, the mayor will really help you,” said Police Chief Inspector Ronald Lao, station commander of the San Pedro police station. 

To this day, Davao City police receive such “incentives” from the city government.

Mendoza called it patronage, adding that the mayor was generous to police and military officers to the extent that they eventually became more loyal to him than to the institutions they belonged to. "He has his own chain of command," Mendoza told Rappler.

The Serious and Organized Crime Threat Assessments (SOCTA) 2014, a study on anti-crime efforts by Philippine government agencies, listed the provision of “decent and reasonable compensation packages” to government employees as a recommendation to reduce corruption. 

But members of the law enforcement community have a more specific suggestion: to increase only the salaries of “front-line” officers.

“It should be done for those who do legwork, like Police Officer 1 (PO1) or Customs officials in the ports. The office-based officers already have a big salary. The problem is the big gap between them and the front-line staff,” said one of those involved in writing the SOCTA 2014. 

Part 2 of strategy: Marking targets 

“Hindi ko masabi sa inyo kung bakit (I can’t tell you why), but I need two divisions in the army, ranger-trained,” Duterte said last April 14.

He said that once he has "positioned" them, he will launch a crackdown on drug and criminal syndicates.

A member of an anti-organized crime coordinating body explained that rangers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines are typically trained for high-land terrain anti-insurgency operations.

Perhaps Duterte, in proposing this strategy, recognized the so-called terrorism and drug trade nexus observed by law enforcement in which members of the Abu Sayyaf are known to fund their operations with drug money. 

But Fr Amado Picardal, who led the Case Against Summary Executions (CASE) during many of Duterte’s mayorships, is worried that this “ranger-trained” division could just be the Davao Death Squad on steroids. 

Though the link between Duterte has so far been based only on hearsay and his own boasts of killing criminals, Picardal is convinced the mayor is behind it all.

Picardal was based in Davao City from 1977 to 1981 and from 1995 to 2011. He was among the main sources of Human Rights Watch in their widely quoted report on extrajudicial killings.

One link between Duterte and the DDS, said Picardal, is the list of criminals he reads out during his weekend show, “Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa.” 

That list, he said, comes from reports from barangay captains who are required to keep abreast of who the drug criminals and “troublesome” people are in their area.

“Every barangay has to submit a list of who are the notorious ones. I met some barangay leaders who said, ‘We have to submit the names of who are the troublesome ones,’” said Picardal.

Vic Sumalinog, a Davao City journalist since 1986, said he has never seen such a list in his years covering the crime beat. But he said the police always seemed to know who the drug pushers are in a certain area.

“There was a police operation known as ‘tuktok.’ The police know which houses had known pushers. The police would go there and knock on the door. [The pushers] would be told, ‘Stop what you’re doing because many lives are getting destroyed in Davao,’” said Sumalinog.

Two or three weeks after Duterte announced names of the criminals, they would be found dead, said Picardal. 

“He says ‘1,000 dead bodies will become 100,000,’ it’s not hyperbole,” said Picardal.

“Because the only way for him to fight crime in this short period is to do it extralegally…That is why the only way is a shortcut. And how do you take a shortcut? It’s to multiply your death squads,” said Picardal.

The priest said CASE has tallied a total of 1,424 murders by death squads in Davao City from 1998 to 2015. But he said that the 2013 tally included deaths during police raids.

But Sumalinog downplayed the Duterte connection. He said it’s possible that some of these extrajudicial killings could have been ordered by rival drug syndicates and not Duterte.

“You have to remember that there are many players in illegal drugs. They are competition. Of course, you will kill your competition if they try to infiltrate your territory,” he said.

These syndicates could have easily copied the “DDS style” of killing (stabbing or gun shot by men on motorcycles) so it would be attributed to the so-called DDS.

But direct connection or none, Duterte could not have been in the dark and could have done more about the vigilanteism, said Ateneo de Davao political science department head Ramon Beleno.

“It cannot happen without the knowledge of the mayor. It cannot happen, you are mayor and you control the policies in your area, yet you cannot control extrajudicial killings,” said Beleno.

Part 3 of strategy: Tactical alliances

If there’s one thing Duterte is good at, it’s making deals.

He employed this skill in achieving his number one priority in his first years as mayor: freeing Davao City from armed struggle.

Knowing that the violence mostly emanated from clashes between communist rebels and government forces, Duterte made a tactical alliance with Leftist groups. 

Mendoza, whose job was to spy on the communist movement in the late 70s to 90s, described Duterte then as a “strategic ally of the National Democratic Front,” the communist group led by Luis Jalandoni and Jose Ma Sison.

This made the city off-limits to the rebels, but not its neighbors, according to Mendoza. He noted that the other provinces in Davao Region remain to be NPA strongholds and asked how Duterte as president would then deal with the situation.

Indeed, such an “alliance” has been, for the most part, effective in bringing peace and order to Davao City. The guerrillas are no longer wreaking havoc there, allowing businesses to flourish, yet, as a International Crisis Group report shows, they are still allowed to operate in parts of Davao.

“Duterte…in effect grants the guerrillas permission to operate in certain areas of the city. He also ensures leftist activists are safe from extrajudicial killings,” reads the report.

Duterte’s friendship with the Left has no doubt irked many in the military who have seen comrades fall in the hands of these “enemies of the state.”

The mayor has stoked this fear with pronouncements of declaring a “revolutionary government” and beginning “a revolution from the center,” pronouncements he often makes at NPA camps. 

The same tactical alliance he used to create a fortress of peace in Davao City (because the rest of Mindanao is not as safe from NPAs) seems to be his strategy in tackling the nationwide communist threat. Problem is, the Philippines is no fortress. 

“He could save Davao City by keeping the NPA rebels somewhere else. On the national level, where do you put them?” asked Tina Cuyugan, a development consultant who worked from Davao City from 1999 to 2012.

The deals Duterte struck brought about a “state of equilibrium but not exactly of peace,” Cuyugan weighed in. 

She criticized the “equilibrium” as practical yet temporary, the type achieved through “warlord politics.” 

It’s a technique used for highly unstable situations but gives no assurance of bringing about lasting peace.

Duterte has proven he can talk to the NPA, having already suggested a “ceasefire” to exiled communist leader Joma Sison.

But he is yet to explain how he can address their deep-seated concerns and balance them with those of the rest of society who are not exactly in a love affair with the Left.

Stones left unturned

Duterte’s anti-crime game plan addresses key aspects in law enforcement but is far from being comprehensive. Either he has chosen to keep other parts of his plan to himself for now, or he is yet to be briefed on other crimes requiring very different solutions. 

For cybercrime for example, the SOCTA 2014 cited the need for better-trained NBI and police officers, and even for judges and prosecutors to understand the elements of a cybercrime.

For drugs, Duterte is yet to address the demand side of the equation. One of the SOCTA recommendations is the intensification of anti-drug campaigns in schools.

Fighting crimes like corruption requires not only a Freedom of Information law (which Duterte says he supports) but also a comprehensive whistle-blower protection law and the strengthening and broadening of powers of the Office of the Ombudsman, which according to the SOCTA, is “long overdue.”

To combat money laundering, law enforcement agencies have cited the need for more equipment like analytical software and more investigative personnel under the Anti-Money Laundering Council.

And how about the increasingly transnational nature of all crimes? Philippine government agencies will need to strengthen coordination not only among themselves but with other organizations all over the world.

Duterte’s plan of nationalizing Davao City’s world-class Central 911 emergency response center is a promising one. His comprehensive CCTV system, if implemented across national anti-crime agencies, could deal a blow against smuggling, drugs, terrorism, carnapping, and theft.

Above all, hiring brilliant and honest people to lead these agencies will get the ball rolling. So far, Duterte has not named his PNP chief.

But Duterte has achieved one thing already: he has set very high expectations which he will be pressed to meet.– Rappler.com