MANILA, Philippine – Salvador Panelo will be the voice of Rodrigo Duterte for the next 6 years as he takes on the job as the president-elect’s spokesperson.

He will face mostly – and if the need arises, defend the president from – the media that will closely cover the new administration just like what he had been doing in the past.

As legal counsel of the Davao City mayor, Panelo was one of the most-sought-after figures at the height of Senator Antonio Trillanes IV’s charges of hidden wealth against the president-elect. Trillanes alleged Duterte's bank account in the Bank of the Philippine Islands (BPI)’s Julia Vargas branch had transactions that amounted to billions of pesos.

On May 2, he represented Duterte at BPI where he tried to disprove the claims of Trillanes amid a huge crowd of supporters from both sides.

Panelo, however, is no stranger to dealing with issues that surround his clients. As a lawyer, he has handled quite high profile cases throughout his career.

Controversial cases

Perhaps one of the most controversial clients Panelo has defended are the masterminds of the country's worst case of election-related violence which left 58 people dead: the Maguindanao Massacre.

The single deadliest attack against the media was allegedly hatched to stop Esmael Mangudadatu's bid for the governorship. He was up against Andal Ampatuan Jr, a member of the powerful Ampatuan clan of Maguindanao.

In 2014, Panelo was hired as defense lawyer of Ampatuan Jr. A Philippine Star article quoted him as saying that the Ampatuans were just “framed to seize political power.”

Only a year after in 2015, however, he withdrew as legal counsel as requested by his client due to “personal reasons.”

After 6 years, no convictions have been made.

Panelo also lawyered for detained Senator Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr – one of the senators facing plunder charges in relation to the pork barrel scam.

In January 2016, when asked about the senator’s case during his Cavite sortie, Duterte said that he would “see to it” that Revilla would be granted bail if the evidence is “weak.” (READ: Duterte: If evidence is weak, let Bong Revilla out on bail)

Seemingly at odds with the position taken by Duterte against crime, Panelo also lawyered for former National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) civilian agent Martin Soriano who, in 2006, was charged with robbery and kidnapping.

In 2011, Soriano was convicted for kidnap-for-ransom and was sentenced to life imprisonment.

Arroyo connection?

Hinting at his connection with the former president, Panelo attended Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s birthday celebration in her La Vista residence on April 5.

Photos posted on a social media site on April 11 showed that he, along with other volunteers of Duterte, joined Arroyo as she celebrated her 69^th birthday while on a furlough. On May 3, the same photos were set to private. (READ: Gloria Arroyo for Duterte?)

Panelo, however, is not the only Arroyo-connected close ally of Duterte. Aside from him, former press secretary and Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Jesus Dureza is expected to oversee the peace process in Mindanao under the president-elect’s administration.

Newly-elected Davao del Norte Representative Pantaleon Alvarez, meanwhile, is being eyed by Duterte’s party, PDP-LABAN, as the next House Speaker. He was the Department of Transportation and Communication (DOTC) secretary under Arroyo and was linked to alleged anomalous deals involving the Ninoy Aquino International Airport Terminal 3. (READ: Next Speaker? Pantaleon Alvarez and the ghost of NAIA 3) – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Because elections are now automated, winners are known just days after elections. Yet the winner can't be proclaimed without the votes being counted in Congress.

Why does it have to take that long, arduous process? Because it's mandated by the 1987 Constitution. Section 4, Article VII says:

The returns of every election for President and Vice-President, duly certified by the board of canvassers of each province or city, shall be transmitted to the Congress, directed to the President of the Senate. Upon receipt of the certificates of canvass, the President of the Senate shall, not later than 30 days after the day of the election, open all the certificates in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives in joint public session, and the Congress, upon determination of the authenticity and due execution thereof in the manner provided by law, canvass the votes.

A story published by Newsbreak in 2004, explained that this provision had been incorporated as early as in the 1935 Constitution. Back then, it was specified that election returns must be transmitted to the National Assembly for counting. The Constitution was later on amended to give power to the Senate President who will “in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives, open all the certificates; and the votes shall then be counted.”

With the Batasang Pambansa replacing the Senate and House of Representatives in the 1973 Constitution, documents for canvassing were transmitted to the Speaker instead of the Senate President.

Framers of the 1987 Constitution returned this power to the Senate president after the controversial 1986 snap elections, when then House speaker Nicanor Yñiguez immediately announced the results and proclaimed Ferdinand Marcos as the reelected president.

Back when the country had manual counting of votes, Congress received physical documents as election returns, which they had to manually tally and count. According to the same Newsbreak story, this raised questions about defective and unauthenticated documents.

Proclamations then took a very long time due to the manual processes. In the 2004 presidential elections, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was proclaimed on June 23 – just a week before the Office of the President was officially vacated on June 30.

Automated polls

With elections now automated, canvassing is easier for Congress although they will still receive physical election results via certificates of canvass (COCs) from provincial and city canvassers.

In addtion to that, Congress now has a computerized consolidation and canvassing system which receives election results from city/municipal and provincial canvassing centers.

The diagram below shows that election machines transmit results to the central server, to a transparency server, and to the municipal board of canvassers (MBOC).

From the MBOC, the results are transmitted to the provincial board of canvassers (PBOC), where the results are collated and then transmitted to the national board of canvassers (NBOC), where the results for national positions are, in turn, canvassed. (READ: How does the PH automated election system work?)

The country's first automated elections recorded a very quick timeline of canvassing and proclamation of a new president and vice president. With the elections conducted then on May 10, canvassing took only 8 days – from May 27 to June 8.

But while the canvassing process may take only a short time, the delay in the proclamation may come from other issues that might be raised in Congress.

In a report by the Philippine Star, House Majority Leader Neptali Gonzales ll said the very tight vice-presidential race could delay the official canvass. Candidate Leni Robredo leads by a very small margin over opponent Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos based on the partial and unofficial count by the Commission on Elections. – Rappler.com

DAVAO CITY, Philippines – “Malay mo (You never know), some day I will become mayor,” Rodrigo Duterte would sometimes muse when he and his younger sister Jocellyn talked about politics as teenagers.

Cellyn, as the president-elect calls her, would join the laughter after “Manong Rody’s” words. To her, it was incredulous that any of her siblings would want a life in politics given how hard it was for all of them, growing up as children of the governor of a then undivided Davao.

But Rody would not only become Davao City mayor for one term, he would get elected to the post 7 times. Having never lost an election, he would cap his winning streak with victory in the 2016 presidential elections. He is now days away from being proclaimed the 16th president of the Philippines – the first from Mindanao.

Cellyn or Jo, as she is known to most in Davao City, can only laugh about her memories growing up with a future president.

At 68, Jo is 3 years younger than Rody. He has 3 other siblings: Eleanore, the eldest; Emmanuel or BlueBoy; and Benjamin or Bong.

Davaoeños are familiar with Jo's spats with the mayor. Her strong personality is evident in her steely eyes, confident bearing, and authoritative manner of speaking.

A political science major, she is a more articulate speaker than her brother. In fact, she had wanted to be a lawyer but their mother dissuaded her because at the time “it was expected of a girl that she marries first,” says Jo.

Both with a rebellious nature, Jo and Rody would lock horns while growing up. Rody was a “mama’s boy” while Jo was close to their father, Vicente.

Jo remembers their family life in Davao City best since she was only a baby when the Dutertes lived in Maasin, Southern Leyte, Rody’s birthplace. (READ: 22 things to know about 'Duterte Harry')

For the siblings, life was defined by their parents' involvement in public service. After moving his family to Davao City in 1951, Vicente began his career as a provincial secretary. He ran and won as Davao governor and served for several terms.

Vicente was known for his pro-poor programs. Jo remembers long lines of people visiting their house from 8 am to 5 pm.

“The house was an open house. I would wake up in the morning, nakapila na ‘yung mga taong humihingi ng trabaho o may namatayan o kailangan ng ganoon (people were lined up asking for a job, or someone in their family died, they need this and that),” says Jo.

She would look for food in the kitchen only to find there was none left. Her father had emptied their pantry to feed his guests.

Their mother, Soledad or Nanay Soleng, was a public teacher who became a civic leader and philanthropist when her husband entered politics. 

With Vicente traveling around the province and returning home only twice a month, the Duterte siblings were forced to “grow up fast” and become “independent,” says Jo.  

But though Vicente was the politician, it was Nanay Soleng who could talk for hours on end and command attention with her loud voice and disciplinarian ways.Vicente was "soft-spoken" and "gentle," exuding his strength in silence, says Jo. 

If Nanay Soleng would shout at her children and punish them by making them kneel on monggo (mung bean) seeds in front of a crucifix, Vicente preferred to talk to his children.

The opposing characteristics of their parents would combine in their eldest son, says Jo. 

“In the mayor’s character, you will see the toughness of the mother. But his heart, his acts of kindness – that, I think, comes from my dad,” she says.

Flying lessons

Being their mother’s favorite child did not save Rody from her wrath. 

His rebellious nature ripened when he reached his teen years. He would arrive in their house in Matina at 3 am or 4 am, way past his midnight curfew.

To make his escape, Rody would get the drivers and their male household helper to push their car out of the driveway. Only when the car reached the street corner would Duterte turn on the ignition, safe from the ears of his mother.

When she realized her son would never stop his late-night galavanting, Nanay Soleng switched gears.

“She built Digong a bunkshop. ‘Doon ka matulog, hindi kita bubuksan.’ My mother would not open the house…Maraming lamok doon, because this used to be a wet area, doon nag-umpisa ‘yung muskitero niya,” said Jo.

(She built Digong a bunkshop. ‘You sleep there, I won’t open the house for you.’ There were a lot of mosquitos there because it used to be a wet area. That’s when his use of mosquito nets began.)

To this day, Rody uses a mosquito net. He brings it everywhere he goes and even fixes it on his hotel bed. 

His parents had to put up with his poor performance in school. Rody was expelled from Ateneo de Davao and spent 7 years in high school.

But one instance caused Rody to fear his father, in particular. It was right after getting his license to fly a plane.

“He tried to show off to us. He flew the plane right in front of the window, so you could actually see the plane from the window. And my father was – he did not know my father was there sleeping,” shares Jo, recalling how she feared the plane’s wings would get caught in the branches of a nearby mango tree.

Vicente almost jumped off the bed and was angry because his son had scared their old neighbor who had a heart condition.

Rody did not come home for the next 3 days as he waited for his father to calm down. 

Jo believes his rebellious nature, and hers as well, was due to the rules and protocols that came with being Vicente and Soledad’s children.

Party pooper

The man who will be president was not only incorrigible to his parents, he was a prankster to his siblings too.

Several times, while the Duterte children suffered the kneeling punishment, Jo remembers Rody whispering to her and their other siblings, “Hmph, maniwala ka diyan. Wala nang nagbabantay (Don’t believe them. No one is watching us anymore).”

Jo and the others would relax only for Rody to shout, “O, tingnan mo sila o (Hey, look at them)!”

Brother and sister would deepen their enmity in their teenage years. Rody made it hard for anyone to court Jo.

“Whenever somebody comes in the house to court one of us girls, he would take out his gun and then bang the gate. You can see the guy thinking he’s courting the daughter of a governor then there’s this older brother who’s so tough. It was a miracle if they stayed for 10 minutes” says Jo.

Rody got his fondness for guns from his father, who was also a collector.

He was also fond of speed. He would drive Jo crazy by making the car run up to 80 to 100 kilometers per hour, fueled by whatever argument they were having at the time.

But what Jo hated the most was how he would show up at her social gatherings.

“Sometimes he would pick me up in a party and he will break up the party and then like punta siya doon and everyone knows he is the son of the governor di ba? ‘Saan na yung kapatid ko? Pinapauwi na ng tatay ko.’” 

(He would go there and everyone knows he is the son of the governor right? "Where is my sister? Our father wants her home.")

His loud voice would cause someone to cut the music. The mood would be ruined just as the party was getting started.

“Haay naku, mag-aaway kami. ‘Sino magsabi ikaw magsundo sa akin?’ (We would fight after. ‘Who said you had to pick me up?)” says Jo, her past exasperation now softened by laughter.

Turning point

The turning point in Rody’s life would come with the death of their father in 1968, when Rody was 23 years old.

“He took things very seriously already. He took his law seriously, he really studied. My father was like his post. Outside, he was very gentle but inside, he was very strong. That was the time I saw the mayor really change his attitude,” says Jo. 

Vicente died of a heart attack in a courtroom while a case against him was being heard. By that time, Vicente was overweight and hated doctors and hospitals.

In many ways, he died of a broken heart. Jo believed her father suffered from the feeling of dislocation. Vicente could not say no to his partymate, then President Ferdinand Marcos who asked him to head General Services, the equivalent of the Department of the Interior and Local Government.

But when he returned to Davao after serving in the national government, Vicente felt he had lost his place in the world.

He had a falling out too with his good friend and political ally Alejandro “Landring” Almendras. 

The two men spent their childhood in Danao, Cebu together. It was in fact Almendras who told Vicente to join him in Davao. Almendras, elected Davao governor, had to leave his post to run for senator. He entrusted his vacated gubernatorial post to his friend, Vicente.

The parallels between the political careers of the father and son are evident. Rody himself was appointed officer-in-charge vice mayor of Davao City before his successful mayoral bid.

Like Vicente, Rody would become a "career-oriented" government official, says Jo.  

In the end, the unruly Rody would be the one to follow in their parents’ footsteps. Jo, the sister with whom he quarrelled with the most, would find herself supporting his presidential candidacy. 

The daredevil driver she knew would be steering the country to whatever fate lay in store. The show-off pilot would be flying to heights far above the mango trees of their childhood. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – A total of 46 party-list groups emerged victorious in the May 9 polls.

Out of the 46 proclaimed on Thursday, May 19, only 7 are “fresh faces.” This means that the 17^th Congress will be their first entry into the House of Representatives (HOR).

Who are these new individuals who will take part in legislative processes in the next 6 years? Here's a backgrounder on the new party-list groups and their nominees.

One Patriotic Coalition of Marginalized Nationals (1PACMAN)

1PACMAN is a recently established group which, according to its official website, aims to represent sectors in the Philippines that because of “distance and other socio-political factors” are left in “perpetual isolation” by the government.

Just like its namesake, senator-elect Manny Pacquiao, 1-PACMAN also seeks to support retired and aging Filipino athletes who have brought recognition to the country.

The party-list group’s first nominee is Michael Odylon “Mikee” Romero – owner of GlobalPort Batang Pier, basketball team in the Philippine Basketball Association (PBA) and son of construction magnate Rhegis Romero II.

Romero is also the CEO of GlobalPort900 and vice chairman of budget airline AirAsia Philippines. He was 33^rd in Forbes’ 50^th richest Filipinos in 2014, but dropped out of the list in 2015. In 2013, he ranked 23^rd.

Pacquiao’s business manager Enrico “Eric” Pineda is the party-list group’s second nominee. He is also the team manager of the senator-elect’s PBA team, Mahindra Enforcer.

Kabalikat ng Mamamayan (KABAYAN)

Kabalikat ng Mamamayan (KABAYAN) hopes to contribute to the “full realization of the economic, social and cultural rights of all Filipinos, particularly the marginalized.”

Kabayan’s first nominee is Harry Roque, a lawyer who has handled high-profile cases in the past.

As part of the Center for International Law (CenterLaw), he was private prosecutor and representative of 15 victims of the Maguindanao massacre – one of the biggest cases of election-related violence in the Philippines. Roque also lawyered for the family of journalist and environmental activist Gerry Ortega, and the family of slain transgender Jennifer Laude, among others.

The group’s second nominee, meanwhile, is no stranger to the government. Ron Salo worked as assistant secretary at the Office of the Legislative Adviser from 2006 to 2009, and undersecretary at the Office of the Executive Secretary from 2009 to 2010.

Alliance of Organizations, Networks and Associations of the Philippines Inc (ALONA)

From being denied the chance to run in 2013, the Alliance of Organizations, Networks, and Associations of the Philippines (ALONA) is set to assume one seat in the House of Representatives in the 17^th Congress.

The group’s primary objective, according to its official campaign platform, is to “provide assistance to various organizations of different sectors and cooperatives.”

Anna Villaraza-Suarez, ALONA’s first nominee, is the wife of Quezon provincial governor David Suarez who recently got reelected. She also worked as executive secretary to the Governor of Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas from 2009 to 2010.

Aside from handling her home province’s scholarship and livelihood programs, Suarez is also the incumbent president of Kalipunan ng Liping Pilipina (KALIPI).

Acts-Overseas Filipino Workers Coalition of Organizations (ACTS-OFW)

The new face in the incoming 17^th Congress, like what its name suggests, aims to focus on the welfare and development of the overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) and their families.

Founded in 2010, ACTS-OFW is a coalition of several advocacy groups such as Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) Global Cooperative Movement and Dynamic Migrant Workers Cooperative, among others.

The group’s first nominee is former OFW turned advocate John Bertiz. In the past year, he was the ACTS-OFW spokesperson who was vocal against the laglag-bala scheme in Philippine airports, abuses, and contractualization.

Ang Kabuhayan

Ang Kabuhayan party-list group seeks to push in the 17^th Congress the causes of small-scale entrepreneurs.

According to its platform, Ang Kabuhayan also aims to highlight the importance of skills training programs for the country’s marginalized sectors to give them another opportunity to earn. It also advocates for state-sponsored micro-financing.

Dennis Laogan, the group’s first nominee, said that giving Filipinos easy access to credit can pave the way for them to end dependence on dole-out funds from abusive lenders.

Kusug Tausug

Kusug Tausug will focus on empowering the people of Sulu to attain economic growth and political stability.

Its first nominee, Shernee A. Tan, is the youngest daughter of former Sulu governor Abdusakur M. Tan. 

In a forum in December 2015, the Kusug Tausug said that they envision creating opportunities for the marginalized sectors – not just the Tausugs – in the Philippines to overcome difficulties in life.

Manila Teachers' Savings and Loan Association, Inc. (MANILA TEACHERS)

With its vision of "Better Teacher, Better Education, Better Nation," Manila Teachers party-list seeks to represent teachers in the 17th Congress by pushing important legislations that will uplift the lives of those who belong in one of the most important professions in the Philippines.

The group's roots can be traced back to one of the pioneers the savings and loan system in the country run by retired public school teachers - Manila Teachers’ Savings and Loan Association, Inc. which was founded in 1960.

Its first nominee, Virgilio Lacson, is the association's chairman and CEO. 

Not really for marginalized

The official list of candidates who sought HOR seats for party-list nominees is a mix of reelectionists, prominent personalities, and legitimate representatives of marginalized sectors, among others. The winning groups, 46 in total, are no different. (READ: 2016 party-list nominees: Taking a shortcut to Congress?)

Party-list representation in the House of Representatives aims to give voice to marginalized and underrepresented sectors in the legislative process. However, in 2013, the Supreme Court ruled that parties and organizations "do not need to organize along sectoral lines and do not need to represent 'any marginalized and underrepresented' sector" to join the party list. (READ: SC shakes up party list in new verdict)

A representative of a winning party-list organization is expected to function the same way a district representative does.

He or she will have the same power and responsibilities such as sponsoring bills, calling for investigations in aid of legislation, and heading congressional committees. (READ: 8 things you need to know about the party list) – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Next week, starting May 25, Congress will convene to officially canvass the votes for president and vice president.

Congresswoman Leni Robredo is leading the vice-presidential contest by more than 200,000 votes, a slim margin, but her rival, Senator Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr continues to question the results.

In this interview with Rappler editor at large Marites Vitug, Robredo’s spokesperson, Georgina Hernandez, explains the basis of their claim that the lead of Robredo is “irreversible”, citing official numbers from the Commission on Elections.

The remaining votes that have yet to be counted, she says, will be coming from 3 municipalities and detainees from various parts of the country.

Hernandez says there is no way the official canvass can be blocked.

Meantime, Hernandez points out that Robredo and the incoming president, Rodrigo Duterte, have not yet met to talk about any Cabinet post as the leading vice-presidential candidate is focused on monitoring the count.

Listen in and share with us your feedback. – Rappler.com

There seems to be discord in Davao City.

Rody Duterte’s choices for his Cabinet have been generating mixed reactions from the public for the past few days. But it seems even members of his own circle are not too happy about his choices. (LIST: Who's who in the incoming Duterte Cabinet)

The first to speak out in public is Pastor Apollo Quiboloy, Duterte’s friend for 3 decades, who seems disappointed that he has not been invited to help select Cabinet members.

Quiboloy’s spokesman Mike Abe called Duterte’s selection process “turo-turo” (point-point).

“Turo-turo lang. O, ikaw ang secretary dito, ikaw ang may hawak dito. Nawala na 'yung proseso. 'Yun ang ikinagugulat ng mismong malalapit kay Mayor,” Abe told Rappler.

(It’s just point-point. You be secretary here, you be in charge of this. There is no process. That’s what shocked those close to Mayor.) 

One such surprising appointment was that of lawyer and Duterte fraternity brother Vitaliano Aguirre II for the post of justice secretary.

Aguirre himself said he didn’t expect the appointment when he came over to Matina Enclaves to congratulate Duterte for his victory.

Michael Dino, Duterte’s chosen presidential assistant for the Visayas, also said he was offered his position on the spot when he had just visited to congratulate the President-elect.

Mark Villar's appointment

But the most controversial appointment of all was that of Mark Villar to lead the Department of Public Works and Highways. It stank of conflict of interest because of the Villars’ real estate and public utility businesses.

A source says Villar was indeed expected to be in Duterte’s Cabinet by members of his transition committee, but as trade and industry secretary. It would have been a better fit because Villar chairs the House committee on trade. 

Villar made his appearance at Matina Enclaves with his parents, Manny and Cynthia, and Duterte’s running mate Senator Alan Peter Cayetano. (READ: Inside the clubhouse where Duterte holds court)

That day, the Nacionalista Party, of which Manny Villar is president, agreed to enter into a coalition with Duterte’s PDP-Laban. 

Later that night, Mark Villar released a statement saying he had accepted Duterte’s “offer” of the DPWH post. No such announcement of the offer was made to media at Matina Enclaves, however, even as Duterte’s spokespersons were announcing other appointments. 

Assuming the rumors are true, who convinced Duterte to appoint Villar as DPWH head instead of DTI? Word is the whisperer was Cayetano, who perhaps wanted to do something for the president of his party. 

So what happened to Duterte’s public declaration that he would automatically reject candidates suggested by politicians?

Cayetano has not responded to Rappler's request for comment as of writing.

Where is Trudeau-like Cabinet?

But one doesn’t have to look far to see there are differences between Duterte and his transition committee composed of his campaign manager, campaign spokesman, lawyer friends, and executive assistant.

For one thing, where is the Justin Trudeau-inspired Cabinet promised by campaign spokesman Peter Laviña during the days the transition team had been meeting to form a list of candidates? 

Duterte was not present in these meetings, choosing to recuperate “in the mountains.” 

But the team claimed to have the blessing of Duterte to go ahead and vet candidates for him.

Instead of the gender-balanced and youthful Trudeau-like Cabinet, most of the appointees are former Cabinet secretaries or else “buddies” of Duterte. 

So far, there is only one woman out of the list of official appointees, even if the transition team announced outgoing Senator Pia Cayetano would be their adviser on appointing more women. How involved is Cayetano now that Duterte is in the picture? 

Cayetano's staff says she has yet to discuss women appointees with Duterte since she had to fly out of the country immediately after the transition committee asked for her help.

While some members of the transition team have received positions (Bingbong Medialdea as executive secretary and Sonny Dominguez as finance secretary), others appear to have been passed over.

Take Peter Laviña, Duterte’s campaign spokesman who, some say, would have been a logical choice for presidential spokesman given his background in journalism. Instead, the post went to Ampatuan lawyer Salvador Panelo.

Laviña and Panelo chose not to respond to Rappler's request for comment.

Duterte's campaign manager, Jun Evasco, has said he is not keen on joining Duterte’s Cabinet. He declined the post of interior and local government secretary, saying he wants to help the Duterte administration in other ways.

There are appeals to the public to give Duterte's Cabinet appointees a chance to prove their worth.

And, after all, the appointments are not final until June 30 when Cabinet members take their oath.

Will Duterte still change his mind? – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – On the evening of election day, May 9, the Commission on Elections (Comelec) announced that 84% of 54,363,329 Filipino voters trooped to polling precincts.

Data from the Comelec's Transparency Server also showed that 116 polling precincts from 18 provinces posted 100% voter turnout rates. (READ: More than 100 precincts report 100% voter turnout)

Some watchdogs have viewed high turnouts with suspicion, seeing it as a possible indicator of poll cheating. But a sociologist believes the personalities of this year's candidates may have influenced more voters to troop to their polling precincts.

Turnout over the years

In a previous report, Rappler's Jodesz Gavilan wrote that voter turnout has been fluctuating despite the increase in number of registered voters.

Between 1992 and 2016, the highest voter turnout was during the 1998 presidential election, which Joseph Estrada won. Around 86.1% or 29,474,309 out of 34,117,056 registered voters cast their ballots.

The turnout then dropped in the 2001 midterm polls. That year, 76.3% or 27,737,268 out of 36,354,898 voters went to their polling precincts.

The succeeding years saw both increases and decreases in voter turnout. But ever since the Philippines shifted from manual to automated polls in 2010, figures have been on the rise.

In 2010, when Benigno Aquino III was elected president, the voter turnout was at 74.99% or 38,169,380 out of 50,653,828 registered voters. 

In the 2013 midterm polls, it was 77.31% – equivalent to 40,214,324 out of 52,014,648 registered voters.

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National average

This year, the nationwide voter turnout is at 84%.

The spreadsheet embedded below shows voter turnout rates and the corresponding number of precincts per region. The data are based on the partial and unofficial results of the Comelec's Transparency Server, which was updated last May 18.

If you click the "% regions" tab, you will find the ratio of precincts in each region per turnout rate. Darker shades mean more precincts reported at that turnout rate.

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Based on the data, over 34% of the clustered precincts (27,987 out of 81,775) reported a voter turnout of 80-84%.

Of these clustered precincts, 3,809 are in the National Capital Region, 3,627 in Calabarzon, and 3,252 in Central Luzon.

Following the national average, 31.26% or 25,560 of the total precincts reported 85-89% voter turnouts.

These precincts are found in the Ilocos Region (2,711), Central Visayas (2,712), Eastern Visayas (2,563), and the Bicol Region (2,535).

Above 90%

Compared to past polls, more precincts reported above 90% turnouts in this year's elections.

During the 2013 senatorial polls, only 1,561 clustered precincts reported 90-94% turnout. This year, there were 5,388 out of 81,775 clustered precincts with that rate.

Meanwhile, most precincts in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) reported a 95-99% voter turnout – higher than the average turnout per region of 80-84% or 85-89%.

About a third or 729 of 2,172 ARMM polling precincts reported nearly 100% turnout.

The ARMM also has the highest number of precincts among regions with a 95-99% turnout. It is followed by Northern Mindanao (83 precincts), Cordillera Autonomous Region (62), and Soccsksargen (56).

Among regions, the ARMM also has the most number of precincts with a full voter turnout at 66 precincts. Northern Mindanao (9) and CAR (6) follow suit.

Candidates' personalities

Jayeel Cornelio, sociologist and director of the Ateneo de Manila University's Development Studies Program, told Rappler that the high voter turnout could have been driven by the character of the candidates.

The 2016 polls is considered one of the most contentious elections in the Philippines.

It featured tough-talking Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, whose statements often stirred controversy; administration standard-bearer Manuel Roxas II, who was accused of incompetence; Senator Grace Poe, whose eligibility to run for office was questioned; Vice President Jejomar Binay, who faced corruption allegations; and Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago, whose health was under scrutiny.

Cornelio said Duterte articulated the frustrations of many people and was able to connect with the youth.

"Rodrigo Duterte is a charismatic figure while Senator Grace Poe [serves] as an alternative to Vice President Binay," he added.

The Social Weather Stations-TV5 exit poll showed that Duterte scored a 33-point lead in ages 18 to 24. In ages 25 to 34, he got a 26-point lead.

Asked about the role of social media in this year's polls, Cornelio said engagement still boils down to candidates' personalities.

"The role of social media has been to provide a platform for supporters to express their opinions in favor of or against the candidates. But this is even dependent on the quality of candidates at hand," Cornelio told Rappler.

Since 1992, the 1998 presidential elections has had the highest turnout at 86%, followed by this year's 84%. – with research from Wayne Manuel/Rappler.com

(UPDATED) Is panic gripping Malacañang? Or is this simply a case of overzealous bosses?

Some Palace staffers are disturbed and dismayed by a recent order issued to some departments under the Office of the President (OP). It’s a straightforward and curt order: shred certain government documents and memoranda signed by outgoing President Benigno Aquino III and other Cabinet secretaries.

The President is stepping down a little more than a month now, on June 30.

In an ideal world, the transition to the incoming administration should not only be smooth but should also be accompanied by complete staff work – all key decisions documented and easily accessible, all major policies searchable in both hard copies and electronic files, all fund releases documented from the unit that made these requests and the unit that released and used those funds.

Many of these documents were ordered shredded this week, Palace insiders told Rappler. Some staffers are resisting this, the same insiders said. 

They said the instruction includes deleting electronic files and the turnover of certain documents to one particular department under the OP. 

Is this even allowed? The national archives law (Republic Act 9470) prohibits government agencies from disposing of their records unless authorized, in writing, by the executive director of the National Archives of the Philippines.

Even the arbitrary “transfer of records” is prohibited because the same law considers transfer (for example, the transfer of documents from the Office of the Executive Secretary to the Presidential Management Staff) as a form of disposing records, according to one veteran government official.

What’s making this worse, say our insiders, is the absence of written instructions on the shredding and transfer. Everything is verbal and that’s why staffers are “frustrated, rebellious.”

On Sunday, May 22, the Office of the Executive Secretary issued this statement. We are publishing it in full:

"All the official documents and communications of the Office of the President are properly archived at the Malacañang Records Office (MRO). No directive involving the destruction or transfer of these documents has been issued by the Executive Secretary to the MRO or to any other office. 

The Administration is committed to ensuring a smooth transition to the incoming leadership, as reflected in the issuance of AO 49 and the subsequent issuance of memo directives from the ES to agency heads requiring them to form their respective Agency Transition Committees and to prepare and submit transition reports to aid their respective successors." – Rappler.com   

MANILA, Philippines – Leila de Lima’s 12th-place finish in this year’s senatorial race is sweet victory despite alleged efforts to block support for her candidacy.

The Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) vowed to stand in the way of the former justice secretary after she expressed interest in pursuing the illegal detention case filed by expelled minister Isaias Samson Jr against the church leaders. (READ: Why De Lima is target of Iglesia ni Cristo anger)

INC leaders had reportedly demanded that local candidates remove De Lima in their sample ballots, in exchange for the sect's coveted endorsement.

Candidates have been seeking the endorsement of the INC every election, as the church with 1.37 million members is believed to practice bloc voting. (READ: INC: From rag-tag sect to influential wheeler dealer?)

Recent scandals in the INC have cast doubt on the power of the church to deliver bloc votes. In 2015, scandals involving alleged corruption as well as a family feud began to rock the INC.

Did this affect the church's bloc-voting power?

We checked the results in precincts that delivered for candidates endorsed by INC in the 2013 and 2016 elections. This is to see if areas that delivered for the church-backed candidates in 2013 did the same for 2016.

First, we looked at the areas where the 12 senatorial candidates endorsed by the INC in the 2013 elections won. Candidates endorsed by INC then were: Edgardo Angara Jr, Bam Aquino, Nancy Binay, Alan Peter Cayetano, JV Ejercito, Jack Enrile, Richard Gordon, Gringo Honasan, Loren Legarda, Grace Poe, Antonio Trillanes IV, and Cynthia Villar.

Based on 2013 per-precinct election data from the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel), there are 707 precincts where these 12 candidates won. And in 32 out of the 707 precincts, the sum of the votes for these candidates correspond to more than 89% of all the votes in the senatorial race – demonstrating a pattern of bloc voting for all these 12 candidates.

These precincts are:

• Agusan del Sur: Brgy. Tagubay, Bayugan City (1 precinct, 98.18%)
• Agusan del Sur: Brgy. Nueva Era, Bunawan (1 precinct, 99.45%)
• Agusan del Sur: Brgy. San Gabriel, Veruela, (1 precinct, 98.99%)
• Batangas: Brgy. Wawa, Batangas City (1 precinct, 89.90%)
• Cavite: Brgy. Sampaloc V, Dasmariñas City (3 precincts, between 99.76% to 99.77%)
• Cavite: Brgy. Navarro, General Trias (2 precincts, 90.61% and 92.55%)
• Cotabato: Brgy. Camasi, President Roxas (1 precinct, 94.68%)
• Leyte: Brgy. Garrido, Calubian, Leyte (1 precinct, 96.12%)
• Nueva Ecija: Brgy. Maligaya, Palayan City (2 precincts, 99.67% and 99.70%)
• Nueva Ecija: Brgy. Bagong Buhay, Palayan City (2 precincts, 99.48% and 99.68%)
• Oriental Mindoro: Brgy. Masaguing, Naujan (1 precinct, 95.94%))
• Pampanga: Brgy. Eden, Mexico (1 precinct, 90.18%)
• Quezon City: Brgy. New Era (6 precincts, between 98.27% and 99.59%)
• Quezon City: Brgy. Ugong Norte (1 precinct, 98.80%)
• Rizal: Brgy. San Jose, Rodriguez (7 precincts, between 90.69% and 99.73%)
• Tarlac: Brgy. Sapang Tagalog, Tarlac City (1 precinct, 91.03%)

After this, we then checked the results of the 2016 elections in these areas.

For this year’s election, the INC endorsed the candidacies of Rodrigo Duterte for president and Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos for vice president. Gordon was still endorsed for senator, as well as fellow candidates Frank Drilon, Sherwin Gatchalian, Risa Hontiveros, Panfilo Lacson, Manny Pacquaio, Ralph Recto, Martin Romualdez, Vicente Sotto, Francis Tolentino, Joel Villanueva, and Miguel Zubiri.

Duterte and Marcos won in all these identified areas. Those located in Agusan del Sur, Nueva Ecija, Rizal, Dasmariñas City, and Quezon City delivered anywhere between 98% and 100% of votes for these candidates – proving that the INC's power to influence voters in these areas remains considerable.

Also, in these places, the 12 INC-backed senatorial bets won, and De Lima managed to get 0% to 0.2% of votes – proving the success of INC's campaign against her in these areas.

But in the remaining precincts we identified in the 2013 polls, the lead of Duterte and Marcos aren't that high:

• In all 5 clustered precincts in Brgy Navarro (Gen. Trias, Cavite), the percentage of the leads of the two range from 65% to 84% only.
• Their lead in Brgy. Wawa (Batangas City) didn’t exceed 64%.
• They got around 87% of votes in Brgy. Masaguing (Naujan, Oriental Mindoro)
• They got around 72% and 73% of votes, respectively, in Brgy. Garrido (Calubian, Leyte)

In the end, only 9 of the 12 senatorial candidates endorsed by INC won and were already proclaimed. INC-backed Romualdez and Tolentino were beaten by De Lima and Francis Pangilinan.

And while Duterte is already the clear winner in the presidential race, Marcos remains behind Leni Robredo in partial tally of votes.

Local races

It might be the same trend in the local scene.

The Philippine Daily Inquirer reported that reelectionist Mayor Oscar Malapitan won by a huge margin, beating an opponent – former representative Recom Echiverri – who is endorsed by INC.

Malapitan got 301,867 votes while Echiverri only had 172,278 votes.

A source told us that Caloocan is an INC stronghold, but this year's election results prove otherwise. Duterte and Marcos led their respective races by only around 40% of votes, and at least 3 non-INC-endorsed senatorial bets – including De Lima – entered the top 12 in the city.

An INC endorsement didn't guarantee the victory of other local candidates. In General Santos City, INC-backed mayoral candidate Ronnel Rivera and vice mayoral candidate Shirlyn Bañas won, while congressional bet Ryan Rivera lost.

Meanwhile, in Nueva Ecija – where two barangays have strong INC bloc-votes – the endorsement failed to secure a win for 3rd district congressional candidate Aurelio Umali. – Rappler.com

It marked their return to the Senate. But Panfilo "Ping" Lacson and Vicente "Tito" Sotto III skipped their proclamation on Thursday, May 19. (READ: Meet the PH's 12 new senators)

Sotto and Lacson ranked 3rd and 4th, respectively, in the recent elections.

Asked by Rappler why he was absent from his proclamation, Sotto said he was already on vacation with his family.

The veteran senator added it was something he had promised his wife, actress Helen Gamboa-Sotto, long ago.

"Long overdue vacation that I promised my wife. I did not feel like going back for that," Sotto said in a text message.

Pre-election surveys showed Sotto as either the top or second choice of voters. In the end, he ranked 3rd after Franklin Drilon and newcomer Joel Villanueva.

Lacson, for his part, was candid enough to say he skipped his proclamation because he was not able to improve or sustain his ranking in the 2007 elections – the last time he ran for the Senate.

"No big deal. It's just that 'stupid' promise I made to myself earlier during the campaign that I would skip the proclamation ceremony if I didn't equal or top my ranking in the 2007 elections," Lacson told Rappler.

In 2007, Lacson ranked 3rd in the senatorial race. Pre-election surveys conducted by the Social Weather Stations in May showed Lacson ranging from the 6th to 8th spots. In the end, he ranked 4th, with nearly 17 million votes. – Rappler.com

Jose Calida, recently named incoming solicitor general, is identified as one of the former officials of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's administration who have been picked by President-elect Rodrigo Duterte to serve with him.

Calida, a fellow Davaoeño of the newly elected president, was actually first noticed during the time of President Fidel Ramos (well, Duterte has named a number of FVR people to his Cabinet too).

At the height of efforts to amend the Constitution to allow Ramos to seek reelection – moves that were believed to be backed by people associated with the president then – Calida was among those behind the group, Sign or Support the Initiatives for the Good of the Nation. The group was associated with Brother Eddie Villanueva's Jesus Is Lord Movement, which would later form the party-list group Citizens' Battle Against Corruption.

It was, however, during the time of Arroyo, whom Ramos' party helped propel to the presidency, that Calida enjoyed considerable influence in government, beyond the official title of undersecretary of justice.

In 2001, Newsbreak published "Political Give and Take" to reveal Calida's connections: 

Ever wonder why, among the winning party-list groups which the Commission on Elections has deemed disqualified, the Citizens’ Battle Against Corruption (Cibac) is the only one not raising a howl of protest? Not really because it’s a good loser, but because, sources say, it is confident of being eventually proclaimed despite the Comelec’s negative assessment of its qualifications.

The reason for that confidence is the group’s close links to Justice Secretary Hernando Perez. Let us explain. Cibac is a front for the Jesus Is Lord Movement, a religious group. Religious groups are the only ones specifically banned by law from joining the party-list exercise.

Although Cibac denies being the front for a religious group, its nominees are a dead giveaway – they are elders and influential members of JIL. In fact, topping its list is the son of JIL bishop Eddie Villanueva. JIL, of course, is the group that claimed to have received word from God in 1992 that Fidel Ramos would be the next president.

In 1997, JIL formed a group called Support the Initiatives for the Good of the Nation (Sign), which helped the movement Pirma gather signatures for a plebiscite on whether to allow Ramos to run for reelection. Sign’s leader was a lawyer named Jose Calida, who later helped the prosecution team in the impeachment trial of President Estrada.

Guess where Calida is now. He’s undersecretary of justice, under the reputedly most influential Cabinet member.

Cibac was the group used by Perez to call for the disqualification of another party-list group, Mamamayan Ayaw sa Droga (MAD), the underlying motive for which was not really Richard Gomez’s supposed nonregistration in his voting precinct, but Jewel Canson’s ties with Perez’s and Vic Corpus’s pet peeve, Senator Panfilo Lacson.

That’s the anti-corruption campaign for you.

As solicitor general under the Duterte administration, will Calida be able to make good his promise to "enforce the rule of law, regardless of who the appointing authority is"? – Rappler.com

Former undersecretary at the Office of the Presidential Adviser for Political Affairs Salvador Medialdea got another shot at a government post as he was chosen to be the next executive secretary by president-elect Rodrigo Duterte.

Known to his friends as “Bingbong”, Medialdea has been a constant on the campaign trail ever since he filed the Davao city mayor’s certificate of candidacy at the Commission on Elections (Comelec) in November 2015.

He is also a member of the transition committee formed to oversee appointees to the Duterte government.

The president-elect and Medialdea go a long way back. According to Duterte, his father and Medialdea's father, former Associate Justice Leo D. Medialdea, worked together during the elder Duterte's stint as provincial governor of Davao.

Cayetano and Medialdea’s ties

The incoming executive secretary, however, isn’t only connected to his childhood friend Duterte. Medialdea also has links with his running-mate, Senator Alan Peter Cayetano.

Medialdea Ata Bello Guevarra and Suarez (MABGS) Law Office was listed as a contributor in Cayetano's 2013 Statement of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE).  

According to the document submitted to the Comelec, the law firm which listed the incoming executive secretary as a partner donated P1 million ($21,338)* to help the reelection bid of the senator.

Medialdea also worked in a law firm established by Senator Juan Ponce Enrile and the late former senator Rene Cayetano, Alan Peter’s father. He was a partner at the Ponce Enrile Cayetano Bautista Picazo & Reyes (Pecabar) Law Office from 1983 to 1990.

He first practiced at the Angara Abello Concepcion Regala & Cruz (ACCRA) Law Offices after graduating from San Beda Law School, Duterte’s alma mater.

Required by law

Section 107 of the Omnibus Election Code (OEC) requires candidates – whether national or local – to submit their respective SOCEs. Failure to comply may result in sanctions such as perpetual disqualification from public office.

Submitting the required document allows the Comelec to track money spent on, and contributions received for, campaigns. But aside from that, in a country like the Philippines where utang na loob (debt of gratitude) is prevalent, it is in SOCEs where the people who a winning candidate may be “indebted” to become apparent.

Winning and losing candidates in the 2016 elections have until June 8 to submit their SOCE requirements. Are we going to see familiar names? – Rappler.com

*$1 = P46

If it was any indication of preferences, Davao City Mayor Rody Duterte was reported to have spent about an hour-and-a-half in the cavernous Bulwagan room speaking with Iglesia ni Cristo Executive Minister Eduardo Manalo last April 22. 

Clumsily clad in an unbuttoned barong with rolled up sleeves, and wearing leather shoes and corduroy, a relatively formal-looking Duterte shook hands with Manalo who was wearing the typical suit he dons during special occasions.

The two got along quite well, according to insiders who accompanied Duterte. Days later, a fake letter supposedly signed by Manalo endorsing Duterte went viral on Facebook. The INC quickly disowned it and said it would file charges against people behind it. One sure sign it was fake? It contained a typo and spelled “Rodrigo” as “Ridrido”. The Iglesia typically sends out formal, clean letters in flawless Filipino, we are told.

The mayor, who was formally invited to have an audience with Manalo, joked and chatted the time away. By now, we all know how Duterte is predisposed to long, winding speeches.

Vice President Jejomar Binay was given about 30 minutes, while administration bet Mar Roxas, who was accompanied by his wife Korina stayed for around 20 minutes, the Duterte insiders said.

Is time spent with a presidential candidate a measure of preference? Your guess is as good as ours. But of course, there were the latest survey results to go by too. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Congress on Wednesday, May 25, convened in a joint session to canvass the votes for president and vice president – the second time it is doing so in an automated election. (READ: Why Congress needs to Canvass votes for president, VP)

How is the canvassing of votes done? Who are the key players in 2016? Here are the basics:

Who are the people involved?

Presiding officers of the Joint Public Session

Rule II of the rules of canvassing says that the Senate President and the Speaker of the House “shall open and preside over the Joint Public Session.” 

For this election's canvassing, they are Senate President Franklin Drilon and Speaker Feliciano Belmonte Jr.

Election lawyers

Rule VIII says that each candidate is entitled to “two (2) registered attorneys,” but only one of them can speak for the candidate for not more than 3 minutes. The lawyers serve during the entire canvassing process.

The lawyers for the presidential candidates are:

• Rodrigo Duterte – Former acting justice secretary Alberto Agra, and incoming justice secretary Vitaliano Aguirre
• Manuel Roxas II - Edgardo Carlo Vistan II and Maria Bernadette Sardillo, who declined her appointment as Comelec Commissioner in 2013
• Grace Poe - Mary Grace Mendoza and Hubert Guevarra
• Jejomar Binay - Jose Julius Castro and Gregorio Larrazabal, former Commmission on Elections (Comelec) Commissioner
• Miriam Defensor Santiago - Regine Tenorio

For vice presidential candidates, the lawyers are:

• Leni Robredo - Romulo Macalintal and Senator-elect Leila de Lima, former justice secretary
  
• Ferdinand Marcos Jr - Former Maguindanao representative Didagen Dilangalen and George Garcia
• Alan Peter Cayetano - Alfred Jacinto and John Jerico Balisnomo
• Francis Escudero - Roberto Rafael Lucila and Jorge Sarmiento, former Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation president and chief operating officer
  

Canvassing committee

Rule VI states that a 14-man joint committee should be created, with 7 members each from the Senate and the House. (READ: What will Congress do with mismatched COCs, electronic count?)

For the Senate:

• Aquilino Pimentel III, chairman
• Ralph Recto
• Sergio Osmeña III
• Teofisto Guingona III
• Vicente Sotto III
• Juan Ponce Enrile
• Juan Edgardo Angara 

For the House:

• Mandaluyong City Representative Neptali Gonzales II, chairman
• Dasmariñas City Representative Elpidio Barzaga Jr
• Marikina Representative Romero Quimbo
• Cagayan de Oro 2nd District Representative Rufus Rodriguez
• Oriental Mindoro 2nd District Representative Reynaldo Umali
• Capiz Representative Fredenil Castro
• 1 BANAT & AHAPO party-list coalition Representative Silvestre Bello III

The canvassing process

For this canvassing, 165 COCs will be checked. The task is to compare the printed COCs from the PBOCs against the printed electronically-transmitted COCs (e-COCs) from the Consolidation and Canvassing System (CCS) and see if the numbers found in both COCs match.

LOOK: Opening of ballot box containing COCs from local absentee voting #PHVote | via @pattypasionpic.twitter.com/Hnc2eetUtl

— Rappler (@rapplerdotcom) May 24, 2016

Part of the canvassing proccess is to check whether the printed COCs are “duly executed, signed and thumbmarked by the chairpersons and members of the Provincial Board of Canvassers (PBOC), City Board of Canvassers (CBOC) and District Board of Canvassers (DBOC)." COCs with incompleteness, erasures, and alterations will be questioned. 

LOOK: Opening of e-transmitted COCs. #PHVote | via @pattypasion
LIVE: https://t.co/aH3UojN249pic.twitter.com/XS1L1TTR2Q

— Rappler (@rapplerdotcom) May 24, 2016

The printed e-COCs should contain the names of all presidential and vice presidential candidates.

If there are discrepancies, Section 10 of Rule VI mandates the joint committee to "decide all questions and issues raised involving the COCs by a majority vote of its members, each panel voting separately."

Voting will only happen after all uncontested COCs have been canvassed.

The canvassing committee will require the board of canvassers concerned to explain within 24 hours. If needed, the committee may also “order the production, examination and comparison of the compact disks, secure digital cards (both the memory and the back-up) from the vote counting machines."

In the event that the committee is unable to settle the dispute, the committee chairpersons should be the ones to resolve the matter.

The same process is observed for the COCs of Overseas Absentee Voting, Local Absentee Voting, and Detainee Voting.

If the CCS, where the e-COCs will come from, malfunction and become irreparable during the canvassing, the canvassing committee will canvass the printed COCs from the PBOCs.

Rule IX of the canvassing rules mandates the joint committee to record and produce a report of the entire canvassing process. Once the report is done, the joint committee will have to approve the report and adopt the resolution proclaiming the elected president and vice president.

Watch the live stream of the canvassing on Rappler every day. – Rappler.com

He won’t be assuming the top Philippine National Police (PNP) post until July, at the earliest, but Chief Superintendent Ronald dela Rosa is already doing his homework.

Incoming president Rodrigo Duterte’s pick for PNP chief met with Senate returnee Panfilo Lacson this week “to seek advice” and get “words of wisdom.”

Lacson, who recently secured a spot in the Senate, was PNP chief from 1999 to 2001.

After retiring, Lacson entered the Senate and eventually launched a failed bid for the presidency in 2004. He later headed the Aquino administration’s relief efforts in the aftermath of Super Typhoon Yolanda.

In the 2016 elections, Lacson was an adopted candidate of the Liberal Party-led “Daang Matuwid” coalition which had another Cabinet member, former interior secretary Manuel Roxas II, as its standard-bearer.

“Before embarking on a gargantuan mission, I deemed it necessary to seek advice from someone who has been there, done that and was very successful in leading the PNP. Thank you, sir senator, for your words of wisdom and thank you, my dear old friend, for arranging the meeting,” Dela Rosa said in a post on his Facebook page.

Dela Rosa has a tough assignment ahead. One of Duterte’s key campaign promises is to eliminate – or “supress” – crime in 3-6 months.

Ironically, Lacson was among those who said the Davao mayor’s campaign promise was farfetched. But like Duterte, Lacson is known for his tough stand against crime, particularly against illegal drugs.

Lacson is also remembered for his efforts to stamp out corruption within the ranks of the police, earning him the moniker, "kotong-buster."

Dela Rosa may just face the same situation as Lacson upon the latter's appointment as the PNP big boss. The current PNP chief, Director General Ricardo Marquez, is not set to retire until August 2016. He will, however, tender a “courtesy” resignation to give Duterte a free hand in picking his PNP chief.

Sources earlier indicated Duterte will likely accept that resignation.

What happens to Marquez then? He can opt to go on “non-duty status,” similar to Nicanor Bartolome after President Benigno Aquino III appointed his friend, Alan Purisima, ahead of Bartolome’s retirement.

That means the rank of 4-star general – which only one person can hold – still belongs to Marquez. Dela Rosa can be promoted to the highest rank in the police force later on.

Lacson was a 2-star general when then President Joseph Estrada appointed him as PNP chief. He took on the role even if the 4-star general then, Santiago Aliño, had yet to retire. 

Dela Rosa, a member of Philippine Military Academy (PMA) Class 1986, has close personal and professional ties to Duterte. The Santa Cruz, Davao del Sur, native spent most of his career in Davao City, and was city director of the bustling Mindanao city from 2012 to 2013.

He will head the PNP for at least a year and 6 months, before he turns the mandatory retirement age of 56 in January 2018. Unless, of course, Duterte does an Arroyo.

In 2002, then president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo extended the term of PNP chief Leandro Mendoza by a few months. With a fresh mandate in 2004, Arroyo extended the same privilege to her newly-appointed PNP chief, Edgardo Aglipay. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – As Congress convened in a joint committee for the official canvassing of votes for the two highest positions in the land on Wednesday, May 25, all eyes were on the vice presidential count.

The unofficial tally, capturing votes for 96.14% of total precincts, showed administration candidate Leni Robredo ahead of Senator Ferdinand Marcos Jr by over 200,000. The latter's camp, however, believes its candidate would win by over 100,000 votes in the end.

The Marcos team said that the 2016 canvassing of votes would not be as easy as in the 2010 elections, when the process only took 9 meetings from May 26 to June 8. (READ: Audit of vice presidential votes? Here are the hurdles)

Challenging all COCs?

Days before the start of canvassing, seasoned lawyer George Garcia, one of the election lawyers of Marcos, said that they will challenge all COCs to prove that Marcos won the race. (READ: Marcos lawyer: ‘We will challenge every COC’)

But even former Commission on Elections (Comelec) chair Sixto Brillantes Jr, also an election lawyer of Marcos, said it would be impossible to do this. (READ: 2016 canvassing of votes for president, VP: The basics)

"Ah, no. It depends. Not everything; probably those [COCs] that we have issues only. In areas where Marcos won, would we question that? Not anymore. The ones that will be questioned are those coming from all areas where Marcos lost, most probably," Brillantes explained.

Brillantes also said the Marcos camp has documents showing where he won and lost.

"In areas where he also won, where there were big margins, then suddenly plummeted, we will also question those. Like in the ARMM provinces, where there were so many anomalies," Brillantes added.

Based on the Senate and party-list canvass proceedings by the Comelec, plus observations based on data from the partial, unofficial Comelec transparency server, these are the COCs that may serve as crucial battlegrounds either in the canvassing of the vice presidential election results or in the filing of possible electoral protests. Votes were obtained from the Comelec results page. 

On May 25, Congress suspended the canvassing of COCs from Laguna, Ilocos Sur, and Davao del Norte due to discrepancies found between the physical and electronically-transmitted COC copies. These were admitted and canvassed the next day, May 26, but with Laguna’s votes corrected.

Among the list above, only Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, and Sulu have yet to be canvassed as of Thursday.

Meanwhile, here is a running tally of the votes for the VP elections. There are two totals below, based on (1) COCs posted on the Comelec results page as of May 23 and (2) COCs as admitted and canvassed by Congress as of May 26.

Cells shaded in red or yellow indicate the winner between Robredo and Marcos in each province. If neither candidate won in a province, the top vote-getter is set in bold font, while the cells for either Robredo or Marcos (whoever is leading) are set in a lighter shade.

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With 114 COCs officially canvassed by Congress as of Thursday, Marcos was leading by over 83,000 votes. Most of the COCs that have been canvassed were from the "Solid North" regions and Metro Manila, where Marcos won. There are 51 more COCs left to be canvassed.

However, if all COCs currently on the Comelec’s results page were admitted, Robredo would lead by around 282,000 votes.

Flashback to 2004 elections

This year’s canvassing of votes reminds us of the 2004 elections, wherein Macalintal and Brillantes were also the same election lawyers to then presidential candidates Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Fernando Poe Jr, respectively. (READ: Poll lawyers Macalintal, Brillantes: from GMA-FPJ to Leni-Bongbong)

Just the same, Arroyo won the presidential race, while Poe accused Arroyo's camp of committing election fraud.

During the canvassing in 2004, lawyers questioned a number of COCs, including secret markings, erasures, alterations, signatures and thumb marks of the members of the BOCs.

A list from the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism showed that FPJ’s camp asked for deferment of a number of COCs from the provinces of Biliran, Capiz, Camarines Norte, Tarlac, Apayao, and Cebu City.

With the automated elections in place, how are these lawyers going to play the game?

In a phone interview with Brillantes, he said that unlike in the 2004 canvassing wherein there were a lot of errors because everything was done manually, the electronically-transmitted ones would mostly have no errors.

"Malaki ang pagkakaiba....Ibig sabihin, [noong 2004] maraming question regarding its authenticity – kung tama ang pagkakagawa. Iniiisa-isa yang dokumento. Maraming mga errors yan, sinusulat kasi isa-isa. Yung online, hindi na, dahil electronically-transmitted yang mga yan eh. Therefore, wala kang makikitang error sa pagkakagawa," Brillantes explained.

(There's a big difference. Meaning, [in 2004] there were a lot of questions regarding its authenticity – if it was made right. The documents were checked one by one. There were a lot of errors because they were written one by one. The online, not so much, because they are electronically-transmitted. Therefore, no errors would be seen.)

He clarifies however, that while there are two COCs to be compared, it is still the printed COCs that will be questioned.

"Yung [electronically] transmitted sa kanila (Congress), tapos tatanggapin nila yung physically prepared na COC, yung pirmado ng mga members ng provincial board. These will be the ones that will be compared kung meron discrepancy o wala....Yan ang bubuksan ng Congress. Under the Constitution, 'yan ang gagamitin to complain, iyang physical, hindi yung electronic," Brillantes explained.

(The electronically-transmitted ones will come from Congress, and they will accept the physically prepared COC, those that are signed by the members of the PBOC. These will be the ones that will be compared whether or not there are discrepancies....That will be opened by Congress. Under the Constitution, the physical ones will be used regarding complaints, not the electronic ones.)

"If it’s identical with the electronic, there's no issue; they are most probably the same. But then, there can also be discrepancies even if they are the same. We can still question those," he added.

Among the things that can be questioned, according to Brillantes, is the authenticity of the papers, as had been done in other COCs from areas such as Cebu City back in 2004.

"Maraming grounds 'yan. Marami kaming puwedeng i-raise – 'yung hindi na authentic 'yung persons, napalitan na 'yung papel, wala 'yung mga security features nung papel," Brillantes explained.

(There are many grounds [for questioning]. We have a lot [of questions] that we can raise – those regarding the authenticity of the persons, or papers that were changed, the papers had no security features.)

With a few more days left before the canvassing ends, which camp will be able to question the remaining COCs to its advantage? (READ: Marcos camp questions Cebu City COC over discrepancy) – Rappler.com

DAVAO CITY, Philippines – A 12-year-old Christopher “Bong” Go has gone missing, to the dismay of his parents.

The year is 1986. The month is February. Manileños are flocking to a road called EDSA. Nuns and soldiers stand face to face, as incongruous a pair as flowers and military trucks.

Little did his parents know that Bong was also on EDSA, walking by himself, looking around, fascinated by the upheaval around him.

Bong would nurture this fixation on political events.

By the age of 14, he had committed to memory the names of all the influential people in his hometown, Davao City. He knew the names of all the congressmen, the mayors, the vice mayors. 

Three decades later, Bong is the most trusted man of incoming Philippine president, Rodrigo Duterte.

He is known as Duterte's aide or executive assistant.

Less flattering is his title of “national photobomber” given to him by media because, during the 2016 campaign season, he was forever at the side of the man who would soon occupy Malacañang Palace.

His face, carved into gauntness by the unrelentless campaign pace, is a staple in every Duterte photograph. He’s the guy in the shades, poker-faced amidst the furor around him. While Duterte beside him is the center of upheaval, Bong is the nucleus of calm.

He is always in front but never center. Best supporting actor never the star. The enigma beside a candidate so open about his personality, his life. 

Bong grants me an interview at After Dark, his boss’ favorite bar. We occupy a table in the corner, we talk over empty glasses and beer bottles. A few steps away, the soon-to-be-president entertains his law school batchmates.

This time, Duterte’s voice is the background. It’s Bong’s turn in front of the microphone.

The basketball game

Bong traces his connection to Duterte as far back as his grandfather, August Tesoro, whose family founded Davao City’s largest printing press.

August was so close to Duterte that when the latter had to elope with the woman who would become his wife, August was their driver. 

When Duterte married Elizabeth Zimmerman, August was one of the principal sponsors.

It was fate that brought Bong to Duterte’s side. Sometime 1998, Duterte’s then aide Jimboy Halili died in the middle of a game of basketball.

Duterte was then a congressman. He needed someone to pick up his things from Manila. Jimboy was no longer around. Good thing Bong, his friend’s 24-year-old grandson who had just finished his management course at De La Salle University, was in Manila.

Bong picked up the stuff. He himself doesn’t exactly know how the transition happened. “Bit by bit” Duterte came to entrust him with more and more tasks, he said.

“Ako ‘yung parang one-man stop niya. Lahat, babayaran niya, issue siya ng tseke, punta kami ng gasolinahan,” he said. (I became his one-man stop. Everything, payments, issuance of checks, getting gas.)

Soon, Bong was put in charge of both personal and official matters. He calls himself Duterte's "utility man."

“Lahat ng needs niya sa bahay. Gasul? Pag naubusan siya ng gasul. Groceries. Kapag nasira ‘yung ilaw sa bahay,” he said. (All his needs at home. Gas? When he ran out of gas. Groceries. When the lightbulb in his house stops working.)

Bong recalls picking up Duterte from his house at odd hours, like 3 am, to bring him to the hospital because of stomach pains.

When Duterte’s chief of staff, Patmei Ruivivar, left in 2010, Bong took on some of her tasks as well.

In all, Bong has been by Duterte’s side for 4 of his 7 terms as mayor, his one term as vice mayor, and some years of his term as congressman. He’s been through every one of the campaign seasons preceding these terms.

No doubt the hardest election the two weathered together was when Duterte tried to reclaim his mayorship after his term as congressman, a stint he described as “boring.”

He was up against reelectionist mayor Benjamin de Guzman who, while Representative Duterte was far away in Manila, had been building his own alliances.

“Kaunti lang kasama ni Mayor at that time, congressman siya eh, umiiwas sa kanya ‘yung mga tao. Kami lang talaga, sariling sikap talaga,” said Bong. 

(There were only a few people with Mayor at the time, because he was a congressman. Other people were avoiding him. It was just us, we had to work on our own.)

With his group of 4 loyal compatriots, including Bong, Duterte did his best to convince Davaoeños to make him mayor again.

The prize was almost lost. 

“Sa bukid talo siya eh kasi kontrolado ng mayor ‘yun eh. Ang nagpapanalo sa kanya ‘yung mga tao sa downtown,” said Bong. (He lost in the rural areas because they were under the control of the mayor [De Guzman]. It was the people in the downtown area who made him win.)

Bong thinks urbanites at the time wanted Duterte back because they noticed higher criminality when De Guzman called the shots. They wanted their streets back and believed only Duterte could get the job done.

Duterte won. Suddenly, he was popular again.

“Noong nanalo siya, pumunta kami ng hotel, ‘yung grupo naming apat. Ang dami nang nakapaligid. Ganyan talaga naman ‘yun. Kaya kami, sanay na kami diyan sa politics,” said Bong.

(When he won, we went to the hotel, we 4. There were so many people trying to get close. That’s the way it is. That's why we are used to politics.)

Duterte’s popularity is higher than ever, having capped his winning streak with victory in the presidential elections.

Bong looks around him, at all the people fawning over his boss. Nothing new, he thinks.

The ‘perfectionist’

Unknown to many, Bong, now 42, has a personal life too.

He has a wife working in a family business, a son and a daughter in their teens. 

“Nasanay na rin sila (They’ve gotten used to it),” he says, about how his family deals with his hectic schedule.

Because a vacation leave is out of the question for him, about the only time he gets to go abroad with his family is when Duterte and his family go abroad too.

The number of text messages Bong receives is indirectly proportional to the number of hours he gets to sleep. He showed me his Nokia phone (he has two more phones) with an inbox of 956 unread messages. He’s lucky if he gets 5 hours of sleep. During the campaign, he was down to 3 hours per day.

“Kaya huwag ka magtampo kung hindi kita rinereply-an,” he said. (So don’t feel bad if I don’t reply to you.)

That’s not counting the minutes of precious sleep he loses when he has to take emergency calls at night. Because of this, his phone needs to be open 24/7.

Simply put, when Duterte is busy, Bong is busier.

He described what he does after a long day of work.

“Bago ako matulog, pinag-iisipan ko muna lahat, pinaplantsa ko muna lahat. Minsan, nananaginip ako, saka pa ako nagdecide,” he shared.

(Before I sleep, I think everything through first. I iron out everything. Sometimes, I make decisions in my dreams.)

Bong described his attitude toward his job as “perfectionism.”

“Everything has to be smooth, no glitches,” he said in Filipino.

Reporters and participants in Duterte’s sorties will no doubt raise their eyebrows at this, remembering all the times Duterte was late to events, the times they heard something went wrong with his campaign jet or chopper.

Gateway to Duterte

But Bong Go is not only an events organizer. He’s the gateway to Duterte.

Any politician or journalist will tell you that, to get to Duterte, you need to go through Bong first.

Even the White House had to call Bong first. 

Bong sees his role as the filter who allows Duterte to focus on the big decisions. 

“Minsan, ayaw mo na siya ma-stress sa trabaho niya, 'di ba? Pag gising niya sa umaga, may mga bagay-bagay na may kailangan siya gawin. Let’s say 100 na tao na naghahanap sa kanya. Seventy na ‘yun alam ko kung anong isasagot. Alam ko ‘yung usual na sagot. Ang ginagawa ko na lang, hindi ko na hahantayin,” he said.

(Sometimes, you don’t want him to be stressed by his work, right? When he wakes up in the morning, there are things he has to do. Let’s say there are 100 people looking for him. Seventy of them, I know how he will answer them. I know his usual answer. What I do is, I don’t wait for him anymore.)

Bong claims Duterte trusts him to make these decisions since he knows what the mayor likes and doesn’t like.

“So far, I don’t think I’ve decided in a way he doesn’t like,” said Bong.

This level of access may be too much power for one man. ln a way, it's Bong’s own perspective that determines who and what is irrelevant in Duterte’s life. Duterte may have the final say, but Bong has the first pass.

Bong downplays this by saying his boss has other close-ins like Maribojoc Mayor Leoncio “Jun” Evasco who managed his presidential campaign and used to be his chief of staff.

But when Duterte was asked what Bong’s role would be in his presidency, he had joked, “Siya ‘yung commander-in-chief.” (He is the commander-in-chief)

Calling the shots

But Bong may have played a bigger role in this country’s recent history.

Rewind to October 16, 2015, the deadline of the filing of candidacies for national positions for the 2016 elections.

The entire country was on its toes wondering whether the controversial Davao City mayor would run for president.

There were rumors flying around, even on national media, that around 1 pm, Duterte was already in Manila on his way to file his candidacy. A private jet had been sent to Davao City just to whisk him to his destiny.

In truth, claimed Bong, there was indeed a jet waiting for Duterte, but at the time, Duterte was fast asleep.

That day, Bong experienced the “longest 8 or 10 hours” of his life. He was in and out of the bathroom for most of those hours.

“Nagtatae ako, naiihi ako sa sobrang tense. Daming tumatawag. ‘Nasaan na kayo? Ready na lahat!’” he related. (I kept defecating, urinating because I was so tense. So many people were calling. ‘Where are you? Everything is ready!')

At around 9 am, Bong knew if he didn’t do anything, Duterte would not show up in Intramuros and his adoring fans would be disappointed.

He claims, that’s when he made a decision.

“Sinabi ko kay Koko [Pimentel], as PDP-Laban president, ikaw magfile [ng candidacy],” said Bong. (I told Koko Pimentel, as PDP-Laban president, you file for candidacy.)

He knew that, if someone from PDP-Laban filed a candidacy for president, substitution could be allowed later on, providing a “window of hope” for Duterte’s fans.

His plan was not really to allow Duterte to run should he decide to, he claims. All he wanted was for his boss’ supporters not to feel let down by their idol.

Minutes before the 5 pm deadline for the filing of certificates of candidacy, PDP-Laban member Martin Diño strode into the Comelec office with certificate in hand. 

Despite errors in the document, the move would allow Duterte to run as Diño’s “substitute,” and eventually emerge victorious on May 9.

If Bong’s narration of events is to be believed, Duterte would not be incoming president now if not for Bong’s bathroom break call to Pimentel.

Pimentel confirmed this sequence of events to Rappler on May 27. He said it had been decided that party member Martin Diño would file his candidacy as Pimentel was about to board a plane to Switzerland at the time.

But he said Bong did not name Pimentel in his phone call, suggesting only that someone from the party file their candidacy.

Pimentel also claims they were not initially planning for Duterte's future substitution. They only wanted to make sure their party had a presidential candidate. 

Duterte found out about Bong’s decision only days after. Bong explained that he did it for the mayor’s supporters.

The move did not anger Duterte because as Bong explained, the final decision still rested with the mayor.

"Si Mayor pa rin naman ang magdedesisyon kung siya ang papalit," he said. (Mayor will have the decision whether or not to be the substitute.)

Bong’s fateful call was at 9 am on October 16. At 1 pm that day, Duterte called him to get started on the day’s events. Bong couldn’t resist asking him, “Mag-iiba ba isip mo? Puwede tayong umalis na ngayon.” (Will you change your mind? We can leave right now.)

Duterte supposedly replied, “Isa ka pa. Nagpapadala ka sa mga tao sa Maynila.” (You’re just like them. You’re getting carried away by the people in Manila.)

Then he hung up on Bong for the first time.

That was how Bong knew that his boss really did not want to run for president.

The boy watching a revolution from the sidelines is now himself making history. Enjoying the trust of a powerful man means he is set to play an even bigger role in the country’s fate.

But no matter how close he is to the center of gravity, Bong knows he is also a leaf caught up in a current.

Like tonight. At Duterte’s whistle, Bong stands up ready to do his bidding. He cannot leave any place as long as Duterte stays. His whole life revolves around this incorrigible man. 

In many ways, Bong is still that boy attracted like a moth to the flame of larger events, larger people.

Perhaps to Bong Go, he’s right where he wants to be. – Rappler.com

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No water, no electricity – and now, even sewage water is flooding the residence of the estranged siblings of Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) executive minister Eduardo Manalo.

The camp of Lottie Manalo-Hemedez and her brother Angel are claiming a new form of harassment by INC leaders in a bid to eject them from 36 Tandang Sora, where the siblings have continued to reside even after being expelled from the influential church in July 2015.

In photos posted on social media, black water and mud can be seen splattered on the stairs and over the floors inside the Manalo house. According to an insider from the Manalo camp, this has become a daily occurrence.

"The black water, the mud, has entered the houses, overflowing into the bedrooms...This has been going on for a week now," the source said.

This latest incident in 36 Tandang Sora comes almost a year since controversy rocked the INC, with ministers and members alleging corruption and wrongdoing within the church.

Since July, the Manalo siblings have been cooped up inside the Quezon City compound, itself a subject of competing ownership claims. But while court proceedings were ongoing, the siblings have hit out at the harassment against them, saying water and electricity have been cut off, and high fences built to enclose the compound.

The Manalo camp insider said that several weeks before sewage water started flooding the compound, Angel had been sending messages to say they had heard sounds of construction and hammering in the wee hours of the morning.

But they were unable to investigate the source of the noise because of the high fences enclosing the property.

Aside from the sewage water, the insider said that the house of one of the Manalo siblings, Marc, has already been demolished. Guards also continue to screen food deliveries, even taking photos of the delivery personnel and their vehicles.

The Manalo camp had also planned to bring in a portable toilet and a solar generator inside the compound, but the guards would not allow it, the source said.

The siblings are relying on the kindness of supporters, who bring in diesel to power the generator inside the compound.

Asked how the siblings are responding to this new development, the insider said they were trying to live with it as best they could.

"The family is just tolerating it, cleaning the waste up every day," the source said.

The Manalo camp has long said the harassment incidents were meant to force them out of the property, which both Hemedez and the INC claim.

In January, Hemedez filed a complaint for falsification of public documents, accusing the INC of faking a deed of sale that transferred the 2-hectare property to the church.

Hemedez said this could not have been done because the document, dated April 2015, supposedly bore her signature and that of her late husband, who died in 2013.

According to a May 24 report of Eagle News, an INC-run news agency, the Quezon City Prosecutor's Office has dismissed the complaint for insufficient evidence. The Manalos, however, have not yet received a copy of the resolution.

The Manalos are also considering seeking the help of the Commission on Human Rights to investigate their situation. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – President-elect Rodrigo Duterte has already revealed a lot of controversial plans for his presidency, among them the abolition of Congress either to curb corruption or prevent alleged plans of impeaching him in the future.

While the newly-elected president is more known for his extensive experience as a city mayor, he also once was a member of the instutition that he now wants abolished.

Duterte was a congressman from 1998 to 2001, serving as representative of the first district of Davao City under the 11th Congress.

The 11th Congress was a memorable term then, as it led to the impeachment of former president Joseph Estrada. The House of Representatives was headed then by Speaker Manuel Villar (Las Piñas lone district).

Among Duterte’s batchmates at the time are outgoing President Benigno Aquino III (Tarlac 2nd district) and other 2016 national poll contenders Manuel "Mar" Roxas II (Capiz 1st district), Francis "Chiz" Escudero (Sorsogon 1st district), and Alan Peter Cayetano (Pateros-Taguig district).

But while much can be said about Duterte’s experience in the city capitol, there’s little information available about his short stint in Congress.

Just how did he do as congressman? Here's a glimpse.

Alliances

Duterte ran and won as congressman under Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMMP)/PDP-Laban. The coalition party of the opposition at the time, LAMMP/PDP-Laban was the vehicle that then vice president Joseph Estrada used in the 1998 presidential elections. He went on to win as president.

Duterte was part of the majority, with 9 senators and 76 congressmen under LAMMP in the 11th Congress. He was made member of 5 House committees:

• national defense
• public order and security
• health
• transportation and communications
• cooperative development

A big majority of the House – 171 congressmen – voted for Villar, also from LAMMP, as Speaker. Duterte, however, was one of the 31 representatives who voted instead for the independent Joker Arroyo (Makati 1st district).

When Villar gave up the House speakership after endorsing the impeachment of Estrada to the Senate, most of the congressmen turned to Arnulfo Fuentabella as replacement. Duterte again went against the majority, as he was among the few who manifested they wanted Villar to stay in the position.

Uninterested in Congress

While Duterte enjoyed being a mayor – as reflected in his long years of stay in the city capitol – it was the opposite for his congressional term.

Proof of how disinterested Duterte was in congressional work, he described his stay in Congress as "boring". So boring it was that he ended up going to the movies instead. According to a Philippine Daily Inquirer report, he would go attend the flag ceremony in Congress then proceed to the canteen, after which he would watch movies when the opportunity presented itself.

Duterte was quoted as saying,“...When I became a congressman, I’d go to the mall, naglalakad-lakad ako, tapos magdadaldal, wala namang kakwenta-kwenta…kayo na diyan, uwi na ako.” (When I became a congressman, I'd go to the mall, I'd walk then chit-chat, which was a waste...I'm leaving you behind, I'm going home.)

Unlike the groundwork required of local government officials in their respective localities, congressmen are tasked to craft enabling laws through bills and resolutions in the confines of the Batasang Pambansa in Quezon City.

Inactive solon

His disinterest in Congress showed itself in his performance as district representative.

Based on statistics provided by the archives section of the House of Representatives, Duterte got zero attendance on floor deliberations. These deliberations happened either for bill readings or for committee conferences.

And while most of the congressmen filed more than 100 measures in the House of Representatives, Duterte only had 64 – 45 House bills, 18 House resolutions, and one House joint resolution.

He was the main author of 11 House bills, with only one getting enacted into law – Republic Act 8969, which declared every third Friday of August a special holiday in Davao City.

Other bills that he authored, but which didn't become law, included those that would have implemented amendments in the revised penal code. The others covered police reorganization and reform, and judiciary reorganization.

Absenteeism

The House journals retrieved from the archives section also showed that Duterte was mostly silent during sessions. Unlike some congressmen who were active in raising motions in the plenary, records showed that Duterte wasn't.

For one, he wasn’t present in some of the sessions of the 11th Congress.

Based on all 266 House journals for the 11th Congress – with one journal corresponding to one session – a roll call was made in only 163 sessions, where voting for bills was made. Duterte was present in only 94 of those 163 sessions, or roughly 58% of those sessions.

He was recorded as being on leave for “official mission” in one session, was absent with consent of the House in 61 sessions, and was absent without notice in 7 sessions.

There were 19 sessions without a roll call, but he was not included in the voting of bills, signifying that he also wasn’t in Congress during those days.

In all, Duterte skipped 87 sessions, excluding the absence due to an "official mission", in the 11th Congress.

Resignation plan

So intolerable perhaps was Congress for Duterte that he even attempted to resign at some point. 

In early 1999, the representative of Davao City submitted a resignation letter following an incident that involved his son Paolo. The congressman's son was accused of mauling a hotel security guard.

Duterte was said to have filed for resignation to prove his intent not to use his position to help his son. But because President Estrada advised him not to push through with his resignation, he stayed on as congressman. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Among Philippine presidents, incoming President Rodrigo Duterte has “broken rules” in communicating to the public by using expletives and coarse language in his speeches and interviews, says historian Manuel Quezon III, who has studied various presidents’ speeches and speaking styles.

But this “freewheeling” style has contributed to the “persona” and “vividness” of Duterte, part of his appeal.

Quezon, who is currently with the Office of the President, is the brains behind the Official Gazette, a collection of historical information on Philippine presidents.

In this interview with Rappler editor at large Marites Vitug, Quezon goes down memory lane and talks about how past presidents – Ramon Magsaysay, Ferdinand Marcos, his grandfather Manuel Quezon – and current President Benigno Aquino III, communicated their thoughts to the public, as well as the relationship between speechwriters and presidents.

Listen in and send us your feedback. – Rappler.com