DAVAO CITY, Philippines – A few days before a Kadayawan Festival in Davao City, the mayor made a call to Patmei Ruivivar, his chief of staff.

He had passed by the festival’s banner set up on a bridge. One of the poles appeared to be bent.

“Ipa-straight mo ‘yung pole (Have the pole straightened),” Patmei recalled being told by Rodrigo Duterte.

He counted the number of poles so he could tell her which one exactly.

“Okay, yes Mayor, I will get into that,” Patmei said.

After around 15 minutes, her phone rang again.

“Bakit hindi pa rin naayos? (Why hasn’t it been fixed?)” asked Duterte, who had apparently returned to the bridge to check on things.

Years later, Patmei unleashes a full-bodied laugh when she recalls her roller-coaster days as Duterte’s chief of staff. 

“He’s very decisive. He’s very impatient. He wants things done right away. Don’t make him wait,” she told me in her living room in Davao City. 

She has just flipped through the pages of old photographs and articles, remembering those days when Duterte was her boss. 

Now, that boss is a month away from taking his oath as the 16th president of the Philippines. His unorthodox ways are getting not a few people nervous about what lies in store for Malacañang and the entire country. 

Consider his a reputation for being hot-tempered, his stories of kicking a judge in his office for parking in the wrong place, his proposed working hours, from 1 pm to 12 am. 

Patmei has been there, done that. She has a few tips and stories to share for anyone who is about to have a working relationship with Rody Duterte. 

In 1997, Patmei was working for Senator Gringo Honasan. She had returned to her hometown, Davao City, for a quick break. Duterte got wind of it because she and his family are close. Her uncle Bebot Bello, is Duterte’s friend and now incoming labor secretary.

At the time, he had let go of his chief of staff, and the media, in an ambush interview, were asking him who it would be.

Without consulting her, he gave the media her name.

“He’s decisive like that and if he doesn’t want you to say 'no,' he will put you on the spot. And then you cannot say 'no,'” said Patmei.

In the end, Duterte convinced her, saying it would be just for one year since he was in the last of his first 3 terms as mayor. The following year, he would run for congressman.

Patmei was his chief of staff from 1997 to 1998. After moving to the United States to escape Philippine politics, Patmei was again convinced to work for him in City Hall from 2004 to 2010. 

Almost a decade worth of experience working for Duterte has taught Patmei many things about the incoming president. 

Lesson 1: He’s a strict taskmaster

For all his talk of mediocrity and being just a “75” student, Duterte values excellence, claims Patmei. 

“He is good at judging if a person is competent or not with their job,” she said.

Davao City government staff, even regional staff, had to watch his weekly television show, “Gikan sa Masa, Para sa Masa.”

As Duterte read letters from concerned citizens on air, he would shoot out orders on how various government agencies would respond to the citizen’s concern.

The concern could be anything from too many car accidents happening in a particular street or loud karaoke sessions disturbing students.

What he says he’ll do on air should be as good as done.

“That’s his order. So don’t wait for Monday for him to send you a memo. By Monday, you should have done it already. He checks on that, always,” said Patmei.

Duterte is no micro-manager, but you’ll hear from him if you’re not doing a good job. 

“He will really call you or go to your office and berate you,” she added.

Patmei wouldn’t be surprised if he continues to make “surprise visits” to government offices even when he is president.

“For example, he watches the news and he sees a problem in NAIA [Ninoy Aquino International Airport]. Tomorrow, he might think of dropping by,” she said.

Lesson 2: He hates bureaucracy

Ever the action man, Duterte does not like dealing with bureaucracy. He leaves administration work to his trusted staff and spent most of his time as mayor outside City Hall.

This gave Patmei a headache. There were decisions, documents to sign that required Duterte’s personal attention.

So Patmei had to follow him around just to get these things done.

“Because he has so many activities, you have to keep looking for him and it tired me out. I had to run after him,” recalled Patmei. 

Duterte busied himself with visiting police stations and all 182 barangays. He likes to be hands-on and uses these visits to “get the pulse of the people,” she said. 

Initiatives like a 72-hour deadline for the processing of permits and a one-stop shop for Overseas Filipino Workers are typical Duterte.

But during times when bureaucracy is required, his staff has to pick up the slack.

So Patmei developed a strategy. She would compile all the decisions that had to be made, the documents that needed to be signed, into one check-list document.

“When he arrives at City Hall, he would just need to approve or disapprove. There are 20 items there. So all he has to do is write a check mark or x mark,” said Patmei. 

For all the approved items, Patmei would produce the specific document, whether it be an executive order or memo, for him to sign. 

For this to work, Patmei developed a knack for telling whether or not Duterte was in a good enough mood for dealing with bureaucracy.

“When he’s joking around and laughing, he’s in a good mood.”

That’s when she would pounce, approaching him with a juicy bit of gossip. He would go through one item to another while she spewed stories on who hooked up with who, who broke up with who until Duterte would joke, “Nakakahalata na ako ha (I’m starting to suspect why you’re doing this).”

Lesson 3: He values a person’s character.

Want to impress Duterte? Show him your loyalty and trustworthiness. 

As Patmei writes in her own insightful blog, “Character is more important to Duterte than skill.”

It’s not unusual for Duterte to “test” the people around him to see how they will handle a certain situation. Patmei writes that Duterte may sometimes start a rumor to see who among his people are trustworthy.

The Machiavellian in Duterte arises when there are rivalries or conflicts within a group.

He will use these disputes to learn about someone’s character and motives, all the better to craft a strategy for his mission, she said. 

Another source, who used to work closely with Duterte in city hall, said he has a good eye for people he can trust.

“This is a limited circle. As president, he will look for more of these types, multiplying himself, essentially,” said the source. 

Once you have Duterte’s trust, he will not forget you. He will protect you to the end.

Members of this inner circle also have his ear. Leoncio “Jun” Evasco, his former chief of staff and possible Cabinet secretary, is one of the few who can argue with Duterte.

Lesson 4: Injustice antagonizes him

The quickest way to anger Duterte is to be unfair or abusive. 

That’s why, at one point, Patmei and other City Hall staff decided to stop telling him about cases of domestic violence in the city.

Victims would normally approach him in his office to narrate how they were beaten up by their husbands. They kept doing this even if Patmei had set up women’s help desks.

An angry Duterte would then head straight to the police station where the errant husband was detained and beat him up. 

“Sometimes he doesn’t control himself and just gives the punishment right then and there,” said Patmei.

Duterte’s anger at injustice extends to injustice against himself.

It may not be obvious, but Duterte “gets affected” by news about him especially, when he feels he has been depicted unfairly.

“The labelling theory of sociology really applies to him. You label him one way, he will really do it to piss you off,” said Patmei. 

About the worst thing you can do is to underestimate Duterte. 

“He loves to downplay. ‘I’m only like this.’ So you become overconfident and think, ‘He’s from the province. He’s just a 75 student.’ He will really outsmart you.”

Patmei’s parting words are that Duterte is an “acquired taste.” 

To understand his ways, you will have to know him for a very, very long time. The campaign season was too short a period for some people. 

Perhaps this is also why Duterte chose close friends for his Cabinet. Who else can keep up with his pace? Who else can he trust?

Duterte has asked the public to adjust to him. After all, isn’t that what voters wanted, a different kind of leader?

If Patmei could summarize all these lessons into one piece of advice for government workers, it would be: “You have to be always on your toes.” – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – On Monday, May 30, as Congress was set to proclaim Rodrigo Duterte and Leni Robredo as president and vice president, allegations of poll cheating in Quezon province surfaced.

The poll fraud claim was carried by The Philippine Star, The Standard, and other news outlets. All the stories have the following claims in common:

• "Dagdag-bawas" (vote padding and vote shaving) operations were done inside a warehouse in Lucena, Quezon.
• Votes were transferred to Liberal Party (LP) presidential candidate Manuel "Mar" Roxas II:
• From Rodrigo Duterte – 300,000 votes
• From Jejomar Binay – 200,000
• From Grace Poe – 200,000 
• Votes were allegedly transferred to LP vice presidential bet Robredo:
• From Senator Ferdinand Marcos Jr – 500,000 votes

These were revealed by a witness who introduced himself as "Ka Bert." The Standard described him as a "municipal hall official, whose mayor was an LP official." The Philippine Star said he was a "self-confessed operator in vote-rich Quezon."

The whistleblowers were presented by Pastor "Boy" Saycon, secretary general of the Council on Philippine Affairs (COPA) in a press conference on Sunday, May 29. 

With no evidence presented so far, how do we check the credibility of the whistleblowers’ claims? One way is by cross-checking the numbers they have cited. 

Do the numbers add up?

Quezon province has 1,124,090 registered voters for the May 2016 elections. On May 9, a total of 936,359 voters actually voted.

In the partial, unofficial count of the Comelec Transparency Server, with 98.71% of precincts in Quezon reporting as of May 18, Robredo received 380,277 votes, while Marcos placed 3rd with 171,220 votes in the VP race.

Then, in Quezon's certificate of canvass (COC) that Congress admitted and canvassed on May 26 for the official count, Robredo got 385,164 votes and Marcos obtained 173,394 votes. 

{source} 

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-conversation="none" data-cards="hidden" data-partner="tweetdeck"><p lang="es" dir="ltr">QUEZON votes, VP<br>Cayetano - 54702<br>Escudero - 191444<br>Honasan - 27946<br>Marcos - 173394<br>Robredo - 385164<br>Trillanes - 29752</p>&mdash; Rey Santos (@reysantosjr) <a href="https://twitter.com/reysantosjr/status/735806654705369089">May 26, 2016</a></blockquote>

<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script> 

{/source}

If Ka Bert's claims were true, Marcos should have garnered around the votes of 670,000, or over 70% of Quezon's voters who trooped to the polls on May 9.

Meanwhile, Robredo would have initially received negative votes, because the supposedly "additional" 500,000 votes is bigger than the 385,164 votes that she got in the province, based on official canvass. The Robredo camp pointed this out after her proclamation.

Different story?

On Monday morning, Saycon went to the Senate to seek the audience of some senators regarding the poll fraud allegation.

He also brought 3 witnesses, who faced the media in a press conference at the Senate. It was not clear if "Ka Bert" was among them, as they were not identified with aliases or nicknames. 

As the 3 whistleblowers offered more details, they seemed to conflict with what "Ka Bert" revealed earlier.

The witness who mainly spoke to the media– supposedly a local government employee and designated "logistics supervisor" – said that around 200,000 votes were "deducted" from the votes of vice presidential candidate Marcos. 

Meanwhile over 300,000 votes were "added" to Marcos’ closest rival, Robredo. He also noted that the votes of other VP bets were shaved. This is less than the 500,000 votes narrated by "Ka Bert" in news reports.

If the whistleblower’s claim at the Senate were considered, Marcos should have received over 370,000 votes and Robredo should only have around 80,000 votes.

Presidential race

The witness also claimed on Monday that around 400,000 votes were "added" to Roxas in the presidential race. But in both the unofficial and official tallies, Roxas did not reach that number.

In the partial, unofficial count, Roxas obtained only 203,051 votes. It was Senator Grace Poe who won in Quezon province, with 302,269 votes.

Meanwhile, in the COC officially canvassed by Congress, Roxas got 205,791 votes from Quezon. Poe, on the other hand, got 305,814 votes.

{source} 

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-conversation="none" data-cards="hidden" data-partner="tweetdeck"><p lang="es" dir="ltr">QUEZON votes, President<br>Binay - 175002<br>Defensor-Santiago - 21768<br>Duterte - 184950<br>Poe - 305814<br>Roxas - 205791<br>Seneres - 553</p>&mdash; Rey Santos (@reysantosjr) <a href="https://twitter.com/reysantosjr/status/735806595364327425">May 26, 2016</a></blockquote>

<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

{/source}

This also differed from Ka Bert's earlier claim – 300,000 votes from Duterte and 200,000 each from Poe and Binay, for a total of 700,000 votes. Nonetheless, this would also exceed Roxas' official vote count.

Manipulated?

The witness who spoke at the Senate also described how they did the alleged "dagdag-bawas."

He said, "Sa amin po naita-transmit 'yung mga galing sa munisipalidad na nabilang na, upang ito ay mamanipula namin ang mga numero, at mailagay po namin dun sa gusto nilang kandidato."

(The votes from municipalities got transmitted to us. Then, we manipulated the numbers by placing votes for the candidates they preferred.)

"Pagkatapos po sa amin, dinadala naman po namin, ibinabato naman po namin dun sa aming mga kasama sa second floor, third floor, na siya pong may makina ng Smartmatic na nagbabato po sa mga kaukulang server, na ito po ay malinis na malinis na, na galing sa amin."

(As soon as we're done, we bring it to our colleagues at the second and third floors. They have a Smartmatic [vote-counting] machine, which then transmit the changed votes to the necessary servers.)

Later, the witness mentioned that they had SD cards containing the altered votes. In news reports, "Ka Bert" was quoted as saying that transmissions of election results were "intercepted."

The alleged whistleblowers need to answer the following questions to make their account plausible:

• What specific results were manipulated?
• At what point on election day did they supposedly do it? 
• How many precincts were affected?
• How did they "intercept" the transmissions?

The way the automated election system works, the VCMs at the polling precincts transmit election returns to 3 servers, one after the other.

Each transmission goes directly to the Transparency Server (to which media organizations had instant access), the Central Server of the Commission on Elections, and the municipal or city canvassing server.

All votes from the town/city level are consolidated for transmission to the provincial canvassing server, which then transmits to the national board of canvassers.

Cheats will have to fix the results in all 3 servers and in all canvassing levels in a seamless manner, not just one stage in the transmission process. All the election returns from the precinct level – both the printed and electronically-transmitted – should be changed, too, so that everything adds up.

They were not able to present evidence in Monday’s press conference. But Saycon said they were already preparing their affidavits, and that they will produce their evidence at the proper time and forum. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Did the exposés in 2013 on the pork barrel fund scam have any effect on this year's elections?

Out of the more than 100 legislators mentioned in the special audit report that looked into the release of the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) to questionable NGOs from 2007 to 2009, only 86 filed their candidacies for various positions in the 2016 elections.

After the elections, we discovered that only a little more than half of them – or 48 – successfully clinched another term in public office.

Out of these winners, 40% are back in Congress, while the remaining 60% were elected to various local government positions.

Included in this 48, however, are those who were the subject of complaints filed before the Office of the Ombudsman.

Returning legislators

Out of the legislators identified by the Commission on Audit (COA) in its audit report, 29 ran for district representative and 5 ran for senator in the 2016 polls.

However, only 15 House candidates and 4 Senate hopefuls were successful in their election bids.

These lawmakers will be part of the 17th Congress which will no longer receive pork barrel funding. The Supreme Court decided on November 2013 to junk the PDAF due to its unconstitutionality.

Representatives Rolando Uy (Cagayan de Oro City), Benhur Salimbangon (Cebu), Ronaldo Zamora (San Juan City), and Ann Hofer (Zamboanga Sibugay) were part of the 16th Congress, which received initial pork barrel funding in 2013. The SC ordered that the remaining 2013 PDAF allocations yet to be released to lawmakers be returned to the national treasury.

The SC decision follows the exposés in July 2013 of the alleged misuse of the multi-billion pork barrel fund, with businesswoman Janet Lim Napoles as the alleged mastermind.

Local positions

Meanwhile, 49 former lawmakers identified in the COA audit report tried their luck in local races this year. But only 29 of them succeeded.

This includes 13 governors, 3 vice governors, 10 mayors, 2 vice mayors, and 1 councilor.

Majority of these local poll winners left Congress before the PDAF was abolished. Only 9 of them were still House members when the SC decided on the pork barrel:

• Franklin Bautista (Davao del Sur 2nd district)
• Al Francis Bichara (Albay 2nd district)
• Mar-len Abigail Binay (Makati City 2nd district)
• Nelson Dayanghirang (Davao Oriental 1st district)
• Carlos Padilla (Nueva Vizcaya lone district)
• Philip Pichay (Surigao del Sur 1st district)
• Arturo Robes (San Jose del Monte City lone district)
• Marcelino Teodoro (Marikina City 1st district)
• Alfonso Umali Jr (Oriental Mindoro 1st district)

At least 2 gubernatorial winners who were cited in the COA audit report defeated contenders who were also identified in the report.

In Davao Oriental, the Liberal Party's Dayanghirang won against Thelma Almario of the Nationalist People's Coalition. COA said the two released P5.4 million each of their pork barrel to questionable NGOs.

Meanwhile, in Masbate, the Nacionalista Party's Antonio Kho defeated Narciso Bravo Jr of the National Unity Party and outgoing governor Rizalina Seachon-Lanete of the NPC. COA questioned Kho's P9.7 million and Bravo's P2.7 million releases.

Lanete, whom the COA report said released P107.3 million, was charged with plunder and 11 counts of graft, and was detained in February 2015. She was, however, allowed to join the local race, and was even granted bail a month before the elections.

Charges

There are 5 poll winners, however, whose fate in the whole PDAF scam remains uncertain.

In August 2015, the Office of the Ombudsman ordered a preliminary investigation and administrative proceedings against various officials, including Technical Education Skills and Development Authority (TESDA) head Villanueva.

Then in March 2016, Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales affirmed the findings of probable cause to indict 5 officials. Four of them – Biazon, Cagas, Pingoy, and Olaño – ran and won in this year's elections. 

Luckily for the 5, the Ombudsman's orders were never an issue for their candidacies since no formal charges were filed against them.

Will the country see more legal action on the PDAF scam issue under the next administration? – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The crowd was huge, the stage lights overpowering, and the music strong enough to last until the wee hours of the morning. 

Thousands gathered at the Mall of Asia (MOA) concert grounds on May 21 for what was to be the last music festival to be hosted by a toothpaste company-turned-party organizer, the Closeup Forever Summer open-air concert. 

As in previous years, the scene that Saturday night was the same: a throng of sweaty youth dancing to the beat of the music, long lines at the food trucks, and alcohol bottles being finished one after another. 

The difference is that this time around, at the end of the party, 5 concert-goers were declared dead. 

Authorities are investigating what caused the deaths of Bianca Fontejon, 18; Ariel Leal, 22; Lance Garcia, 36; Ken Migawa, 18; and Eric Anthony Miller, 33.

Initial probe results by the police and the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) point to possible drug overdose, as autopsy results showed 4 of the victims suffered from heart failure despite their young age.  

They had blackened hearts and watery fluid in their internal organs, and suffered from internal bleeding.

Social media was abuzz with reports that concert-goers allegedly took the illegal designer drug called “green amore,” a mixture of methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) or ecstasy, methamphetamine hydrochloride or shabu, and cialis, a drug used to treat erectile dysfunction. 

Investigators, however, emphasized they have yet to conclusively determine what led to the victims’ demise. (READ: NBI nabs alleged drug dealer at Closeup concert)

As the probe continues, the spotlight is on the local party scene: is it a hot spot for drug use? 

Not the primary purpose

“No, no, no. As a DJ, we’ve never even pushed drugs,” said Philippine house music stalwart DJ Manolet Dario.

“The music should get the people high first and foremost. You don’t need anything else to enjoy it. Maybe a little alcohol, which is normal in a bar, but you don’t have to be intoxicated to enjoy it,” said Manolet.

In the late 1990s, Manolet, his brother Teddy, and British Ian Carless created the Natural Born Klubbers, one of the groups that pioneered house music and warehouse parties in the country. 

Teddy Dario, who now manages Prive Luxury Club, said such gatherings were held in old or abandoned warehouses (thus the name), where DJs play music often unheard in mainstream radio.

“It’s more eclectic. They're attended by a lot of creative people from the ad agencies, people who are well-traveled and who have been part of the rave scenes in Europe, [United] States, North America, and the balikbayans, ‘cause they sort of missed that when they moved back to the Philippines,” said Teddy.

These days, most people head to clubs, bars, and electronic dance music (EDM) festivals to party, with the more popular venues playing Top 40 songs. 

Still, alcohol and drugs have been permanent fixtures in parties across the globe for several decades now, regardless of whether they are held in clubs or open-air concert fields. 

“Let’s put it this way: in the clubbing industry, there will be drugs involved. The more important [aspect] is education. I think people should be educated the right way, what these things are,” said Manolet. 

Getting high 

Andrea Santos*, a 21-year-old college student, said she often goes clubbing. 

“I go partying to destress, to meet new people, when I feel like moving. I go to parties so I can dance,” Santos said. 

She admitted, however, that she sometimes takes valium, a sedative-hypnotic prescription drug, to help the alcohol kick in faster and to make herself a “happy drunk.” 

Valium decreases the nervous system’s activity, leading to euphoria, lack of coordination, and the feeling of drunkenness. 

{source}
<wide-image>
<bg-image style="background: url('http://assets.rappler.com/612F469A6EA84F6BAE882D2B94A4B421/img/840C80534F6E4696BF3388AA620CBEB4/20150517closeup-008_fa8bed5308ea42acb184e0ea6b5b2980_ac2f253caeea4b4f9b8f7bbd6cc429d2.jpg');">
</bg-image>
<text-container class="top light half left">
<blockquote>
"The music should get the people high first and foremost. You don’t need anything else to enjoy it."
<p class="caption">- DJ Manolet Dario</p>
</blockquote>
</text-container>
</wide-image>
{/source}

{source}

<wide-image style="margin-top:-32px;">
<branding class="padding all" style="background-color: #ffffff">
<callout class="padding left">
<label class="padding top no-margin light"><font color="gray">PARTY GONE BAD. Controversy follows the latest Closeup Forever Summer rave concert after 5 attendees die. File photo of the 2015 Closeup Forever Summer event by Jansen Romero/Rappler </font>

</label>
</callout>
</branding>
</wide-image>

{/source}

"Not a lot of my friends take drugs. Those who do know how to control themselves when they take it," said Santos.

John Cruz*, a young DJ of 4 years, also noticed that in music festivals, some  “go there not necessarily because they are big fans of the genre of the music, but some of them go there to get high.”

He said the drug of choice is often ecstasy, one of the substances he has tried, along with marijuana or "weed."

“Mixed with this high energy of electronic music – it’s loud, it’s uplifting, it keeps you pumped up – and that mixed with ecstasy makes you higher,” said Cruz.

This was confirmed by NBI medico legal division assistant chief Dr Wilfredo Tierra, who said the environment in music festivals, with its blaring sounds and light shows onstage, can influence ecstasy’s effects on a person.  

“Oo, kasi ‘yung ecstasy kasi hallucinogenic ‘yan e. Pakiramdam niya lumulutang siya e. Magkakaroon ka ng increase in sensation and perception,” said the medical practitioner of 20 years.

(Yes, ecstasy is hallucinogenic. The person feels like he’s floating. You will have an increase in sensations and perception.)

“It will increase the sensation, so kung may loud music, loudest ‘yan. Tayo, kung sa atin flickering lights ‘yan, sa kanila, lightning na ‘yan. Kung may nakikita silang maliit na ibon, parang agila na sa kanila,” Tierra added. 

(It will increase the sensation, so if there’s loud music, it will be at the loudest volume for the drug user. If for us, the lights are just flickering, for them, they already see lightning. If they see a small bird, it will seem to them an eagle.)

Both Santos and Cruz said marijuana are being used in parties as well, but they are harder to hide from security. 

How do the kids buy their drugs at parties? Cruz, the DJ, said you need to know the right people.

"Usually, you would have a friend of friend of a friend of a friend. I know some people who go there and just ask around," said Cruz, who said he has never personally bought drugs from a drug dealer who is directly part of a syndicate group.

Teddy Dario said security is always a challenge at parties, especially for big events like Closeup Forever Summer. (READ: Closeup concert security report: 400 men, 6 sniffer dogs deployed)

"You may check their pockets, but they may hide it in their shoes. They may not have drugs on them when they go inside, but they might have taken the drugs outside. And you can’t tell. They hide it well," he said.

The party drugs

According to NBI Anti-Illegal Drugs Division chief Joel Tovera, ecstasy and the “green amore” pill, which comes in many names, are usually popular among party-goers.

The “green amore” is similar to “fly high”, “party”, “superman”, and “green apple”. Their effects include insomnia, loss of appetite, and hypersexuality.

Ecstasy is priced at about P1,500 to P2,500 a tablet, while "green amore" pills range from P1,500 to P3,500 per capsule.  

According to Tovera, these drugs are easy to sneak inside packed venues, as they can be crushed and placed inside generic capsules, which users can then pass off as regular painkillers. 

Tovera said the NBI has interviewed security personnel deployed at the Closeup concert, who said they were able to find some concert-goers who brought such capsules to the venue. 

“It doesn’t look like the traditional ecstasy na nakikita natin, so nakakalusot siya… Mahirap i-detect. Anong probable cause for security guard to confiscate and hulihin ‘yung taong may dalang Alaxan?” said Tovera, referring to a brand of painkiller. 

(It doesn’t look like the traditional ecstasy, so they get away with it… It’s hard to detect. What’s the probable cause for a security guard to confiscate someone bringing in Alaxan?) 

“Kaya puwede rin nating i-assume na ‘yung mga nakuhang inhalers na nandoon [sa Closeup venue], maaaring may nilagay na ecstasy dun saka ininhale (That’s why we can assume that the inhalers found at the Closeup venue may have been used to inhale ecstasy). But we can only assume,” he added.

Tovera said there also exists a substance called liquid ecstasy or gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB), an alleged date-rape drug that is priced at P10,000 per 100 ml. 

Fighting a menace 

Drug abuse remains a perennial issue in the Philippines, with President-elect Rodrigo Duterte vowing to suppress it within 3 to 6 months. 

Around one-fifth of barangays have drug-related cases, according to February 2015 data from the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA).

Duterte expressed anger over the deaths at the Closeup concerts, saying he would revamp the NBI and PDEA along with other agencies.

Authorities agreed that stricter security measures should be implemented at all party venues to prevent another Closeup incident from happening again.

PDEA wants to deploy narcotic-sniffing days at the entrances. It also wants organizers to allow their agents to monitor the situation inside parties, CNN Philippines reported.  

Santos said there should be tighter security in clubs and bars as well, because some security personnel fail to properly inspect all zippers in party-goers’ bags, where they hide the illegal drugs.

Tovera also said the NBI and PDEA are working together to have stimulants that have the same effects as illegal drugs to finally be included in the country’s list of prohibited substances.

An example are synthetic cathinones from the khal plant. Drug dealers use synthetic cathinones in “green amore” pills because they have the same effects as ecstasy. But when the dealers are caught with the product, the authorities have no choice but to release the sellers because they are technically not violating any laws.

Ultimately, Teddy Dario advises parents that fighting drugs begins at home.

“I have kids who are 18 and 22 years old. I always tell them you shouldn’t succumb to peer pressure. If you really don’t want to take whatever your friends are giving you or drink whatever your friends are giving you, then don’t,” he said.

“You have to also make sure these kids are well informed because sometimes, they don’t know what it is like. You have to tell them there are bad people there who will sell you these stuff and you shouldn’t take them,” he added. – Rappler.com 

*Names have been replaced to protect the interviewees’ identities.

{source}
<wide-image>
<bg-image style="background: url('http://assets.rappler.com/4E516E49FA2F44BD8CA6AE4D45249038/img/9B1EE95536EF41E5B7EB6CB6F7A5D2B5/party-A.jpg');">
</bg-image>

<text-container class="bottom light half left">
<blockquote>
"...[You] shouldn’t succumb to peer pressure. If you really don’t want to take whatever your friends are giving you or drink whatever your friends are giving you, then don’t."
<p class="caption">- Teddy Dario</p>
</blockquote>
</text-container>

</wide-image>
{/source}

MANILA, Philippines – The undeniably huge force behind the presidential bid of Rodrigo Duterte was organic and volunteer-driven, said the campaign's social media manager, Nic Gabunada.

Gabunada, who directed Duterte's social media team, told Rappler during a Facebook Live interview on Tuesday, May 31, that the lack of funds forced them to be creative in organizing the online presence of the Davao city mayor’s campaign. (READ: 10 takeaways from Duterte’s digital campaign)

“To a certain extent, this might have encouraged us to work harder, to use our skills from organizing, from alliance work, to organize these people on social media,” he explained. “When you don't have money, you become more creative and you work harder.”

Because of their “creative” strategy, Gabunada said they weren’t really able to spend the entire P10 million ($214,199)* budget given to them.

“I still have money to return to the campaign financier. It's all volunteer work,” he said. “The entire campaign would have been worth millions, but because it's all volunteer work, it's not big.”

Working within their means

They had to work within their means guided by Duterte’s principle of “not sacrificing our principles just to raise money for the campaign.”

So how did they do it?

For starters, Gabunada said that it helped that there were already existing groups of Duterte supporters even before the official election period. The only problem was, they were “all over the place.”

So once it became certain that the Davao City mayor was running, the huge array of groups was organized into 4 major groups: the overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.

These groups were handled by another group of people, aside from the influencers they had tapped from the areas. They were the ones in charge of making sure that the plans push through.

“Every day of their lives they talked to these people, discussed whatever the new findings, and provided them the so-called message of the week,” Gabunada explained.

The “message of the week” usually came in the form of hashtags to be trended on Twitter or posted in the comments section of social media posts. Each message depended on what issues Duterte faced or what results the surveys showed.

“During a certain point in the campaign when we wanted [them] to reiterate their support [for] Duterte, we popularized or made it a point the hashtag #DutertePaRin would trend on the Internet,” he said.

Another time that the “message” was clear was during the bank controversy involving Senator Antonio Trillanes IV. According to Gabunada, the hashtag used to reaffirm the people’s support for Duterte despite the “black propaganda” was #DuterteTilTheEnd.

“It was an expression that we will stick with him until the end of time,” he said. “When we quickly trend like that, people can now say that no amount of black prop will hit this certain candidate.”

Negative campaigning, meanwhile, was also part of the arsenal, like a tit for tat. But Gabunada said they made use of “what was already available in the public” such as videos and past photos of each candidate.

“We do have a very good description of each candidate but what we do use, are those who are already out,” he said. “We just amplify it.”

Twitter warriors

For a person on the other side without knowledge of community organizing, the sudden surge of online sentiments for Duterte looked like it was made by “bots.” (READ: KathNiel, Twitter bots, polls: Quality, not just buzz)

However, Gabunada insisted that his social media team did not make use of them but instead relied on "influenzers" on social media who were actual people with a strong following. 

“We used live people, not bots,” he emphasized. “When we want certain things to trend on Twitter, we have our Twitter warriors who post like anything or keep the same post just to have a quick trend.” In some cases, they just copy pasted messages.

Gabunada estimated there were around 400 to 500 volunteers but each volunteer had his or her own network to tap.

“We were able to amplify in the sense that each one of the volunteers was handling groups with members of around 300 to 6,000,” he explained. “I think the biggest group had 800,000 members.”

With a huge group of supporters, there will really be bad apples. The Duterte campaign trail was full of supporters who did not hold back in attacking people who dared go against the Davao city mayor’s candidacy.

An example was when Facebook user Renee Juliene Karunungan openly declared she was campaigning against Duterte on her Facebook account. What followed were hundreds of hate messages wishing her to be raped, among other threats. (READ: 'Sana ma-rape ka': Netizens bully anti-Duterte voter)

Another instance when some Duterte supporters crossed the line was when they bullied and harassed a student of the University of the Philippines (UP) Los Baños who asked the mayor a question during a forum in March.

Gabunada admitted there are really supporters who bash other people but that they immediately act on it. (READ: Duterte to supporters: Be civil, intelligent, decent, compassionate)

“If there are people whom we thought are doing something that are no longer good, we call their attention,” he explained. It came to a point when he even asked someone close to the mayor himself to tell people "to stop bashing.”  

Social media under Duterte presidency

The morning after the elections, the president-elect called for healing. It was picked up by the social media team and amplified using the hashtag #HealingStartsNow.

With the election period finally over, the team made up of "fast and agile social media warriors" intends to continue campaigning while at the same time providing a channel for constructive criticism.

“Now, we have to continue campaigning. We only got 40% of the votes so we want more than that to govern effectively,” Gabunada said.

“The social media team will be a conduit [for] possible complaints [against] the administration, on the appointments,” he added. “We intend to do that moving forward.” – Rappler.com

 *$1 = P46

MANILA, Philippines – Two names linked to a former president are being given another chance to make peace happen between the Philippine government and insurgents.

Silvestre “Bebot” Bello III and Jesus Dureza were chosen by President-elect Rodrigo Duterte to work on peace negotiations under his incoming administration.  (READ: Who’s who in the incoming Duterte cabinet)

Aside from being labor secretary in the Duterte Cabinet, Bello will also take on the role of “consultant” for peace talks with the Left. Dureza, meanwhile, will serve as Duterte’s adviser for the peace process with Moro rebels.

The incoming president has openly declared his agenda for “inclusive” peace and order that includes discussions with rebels such as the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the New People’s Army (NPA) – groups that Duterte has developed a relationship with throughout the years as local chief executive.

Can Bello and Dureza’s past involvement with the warring factions contribute to the promised peace?

Bello and the CPP

Although they’ve handled different positions under past presidents, what links the two together are their involvement in the peace process under former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Bello’s incoming stint with government is aligned with what he did in the past. The former solicitor general and justice secretary chaired the government panel in talks with the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF) from 2001 to 2004.

It was during the start of the Arroyo administration when the government peace panel conducted “goodwill talks”, following the termination of negotiations and the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) under the administration of Joseph Ejercito Estrada.

In April 2001, both parties formally resumed the negotiations in Oslo, Norway.

The government panel, however, declared a recess later that year after then congressman Rodolfo Aguinaldo was gunned down by members of the NPA as it was a “violation of commitment to confidence building measures.”

The two parties resumed the talks in 2004 after a break which lasted for 3-and-a-half years. It was short-lived, however, as the NDF postponed the negotiations after the CPP-NPA and exiled founding chairman Jose Maria Sison was listed as a terrorist in the United States.

In 2007, there were efforts to resume the talks but the CPP rejected it.

It was only during the administration of Benigno Aquino III in 2011 when formal talks resumed between the Philippine government and the NDF. According to the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPPAP), the two parties agreed to a timeframe of 18 months to complete the negotiations under The Hague Joint Declaration.

Dureza and the MILF

The Ramos administration held the first exploratory talks with the MILF which culminated in the signing of "general cessation of hostilities" between the two parties in July 1997.

Estrada, however, declared an all-out war in 2000. Although his action led to the fall of Camp Abubakar, more than a hundred lives were lost.

It was only under the Arroyo administration when the negotiation with the MILF resumed.

With Dureza as chief peace negotiator, the government peace panel and MILF came up with a general framework on the resumption of peace talks and signed the Agreement on Peace Between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and MILF in 2001. In August 2001, both parties signed a formal ceasefire.

Dureza was appointed Arroyo’s presidential adviser on the peace process from 2005 until 2008.

Although he was already press secretary in the latter part of 2008, Dureza was still dragged in the controversy surrounding the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) which would have created the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE).

In 2005, at the start of his term as peace adviser, exploratory talks which led to the draft MOA-AD were held.

The draft peace deal, however, was met with intense criticism. One of its most vocal opponent was incoming Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel “Manny” Piñol who, in 2008, filed a petition with the Supreme Court (SC) to halt its signing.

Then Senate president pro tempore Jinggoy Ejercito Estrada even said that Dureza – together with two other members of the government peace panel – should be charged with treason “for selling the Filipino people, particularly the citizens in Mindanao.”

After releasing a temporary restraining order on the agreement, the High Court, on October 14, 2008, eventually ruled that the MOA-AD was unconstitutional and illegal. The decision, however, triggered attacks by the MILF in Mindanao – particularly in North Cotabato, Lanao del Norte, and Sarangani – which displaced more than 700,000 people.

The conflict and attacks initiated by disgruntled members of the MILF severely damaged the talks.  The MILF, however, submitted a proposal for a final peace deal based on the dismissed MOA-AD. (READ: Bangsamoro bill: 7 issues for PH, MILF to resolve)

Future of the talks

Both the NDF and the MILF have said they are open to make peace with any administration.

In January, peace consultant Randy Feliz Malayao said that the NDF is open to the resumption of the peace negotiations “with any administration” given its paralyzed state under the watch of President Benigno Aquino III.  

CPP founding chairman Jose Maria Sison, meanwhile, welcomed the appointment of the two whom he described as “not obsessed with trying to trip the NDF and push them over the cliff.”  

“What's good with the new government is that it is harnessing people who we already negotiated with so successfully so it’s good to have them again on the other side of the table,” he said in a Rappler interview.“They know how to defend the interest of their own government and at the same time, they recognize what's reasonable between the Manila government and the NDF.”

As a sign of his commitment to peace, Duterte said that he already plans on sending Bello and Dureza to Oslo, Norway to initiate peace talks with the CPP. He said he is also ready to give Sison a “safe conduct pass” to go back to the Philippines where they can fully conduct peace negotiations.

Meanwhile, in an editorial published in Luwaran.com, the MILF said that the incoming Duterte government should start “to work for the early passage of the Bangsamoro Basic law (BBL) in Congress.”

This might be a problem as Duterte is known for his firm stand on federalism. According to Davao del Norte Representative Pantaleon Alvarez who was nominated for the House Speakership by the PDP-Laban, the president-elect’s campaign for federalism will render the BBL “moot.”

The BBL was supposed to implement provisions under the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) which was signed in 2014. However, its passage has been derailed due to controversies – especially in the aftermath of the Mamasapano clash in January 2015.

Can Dureza and Bello – the president-elect’s anointed ones for peace – help Duterte keep his promise of peace in 3-6 months? – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – A vice president has been tagged as a “spare tire”, among other terms that connote someone just waiting for the president to step down.  

Strictly speaking, according to the 1987 Philippine Constitution, the vice president is really on standby to take over the presidency if the need arises.

Article VII Section 8 of the Constitution says that the vice president shall serve the remaining days of a president’s term “in case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation.”

A vice president can also function as an acting president, according to Article VII Section 7, in two instances: (1) if the elected president failed to qualify or (2) if a president has not been chosen.

President’s prerogative

The 1935 Philippine Constitution mandated the vice presidential position. The country’s first Constitution, the Malolos Constitution, did not provide for a vice president.

The vice president is governed by the same set of qualifications as a president, as outlined in Article VII Section 2 of the 1987 Constitution. This includes being a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least 40 years of age on the day of elections, and a Philippine resident for at least 10 years.  

A vice president also serves for 6 years per term. However, unlike the president who is barred from reelection after one term, a vice president can serve for two consecutive terms.

Since the position was established, the Philippines has had 13 vice presidents – 4 of whom had assumed the presidency following a death or resignation of the president: Sergio Osmeña after the death of Manuel Quezon in 1944, Elpidio Quirino after the death of Manuel Roxas in 1948, Carlos Garcia after the death of Ramon Magsaysay in 1957, and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo when Joseph Ejercito Estrada stepped down in 2001.

But being a spare in case the president steps down is not the only thing a vice president could do. He or she can also assume another position and be part of the Cabinet.

However, this depends on the president’s decision on whether or not to offer a Cabinet position to his vice president.

Article VII Section 3 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, after all, only states that the vice president “may be” appointed to the Cabinet. It does not mandate or direct the appointment.

But the official website of the Office of the Vice President (OVP) lists some other functions:

• Executive function or ensuring that "laws are faithfully executed"
• Ceremonial function or representing the government with foreign goverment representatives
• Advisory function as a Cabinet-level official
• Constituency function or perform "consultations with local executives, lends support to their programs and extends financial assistance to them"
• Administrative function or ensuring that the OVP performs and attains its goals.

Second in history

In the past weeks, President-elect Rodrigo Duterte has declared his choices for his incoming Cabinet. However, an important name was missing: his Vice President-elect Leni Robredo.

The Davao City mayor, on May 31, said that his being “non-committal” in offering a Cabinet position to Robredo was due to his not wanting to hurt the feelings of defeated VP candidate – and Robredo’s closest rival – Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (READ: Duterte: No Cabinet post for VP Robredo yet)

Duterte’s recent pronouncement, however, contradicted what his campaign spokesman Peter Laviña hinted at before the proclamation of winners. He said that Duterte was going to reserve Cabinet positions for the prospective candidate and even used the pronoun “she.”

Robredo herself has said that she will fulfill her duty despite not a member of Duterte’s Cabinet.

If final, Duterte’s decision will make her only the second vice president who did not hold any department, agency, committee, or task force in government.  

Diosdado Macapagal did not hold a Cabinet position while serving as vice president to Carlos P. Garcia from 1957 to 1961.

It was a blessing, however, for Macapagal as without a Cabinet position or agency to look after, he was able to go around the Philippines and make himself known to the Filipino people. He won the 1961 presidential elections with 3,554,840 votes against Garcia’s 2,902,996.

Macapagal is one of the 6 vice presidents who eventually became president: Osmeña, Quirino, Garcia, Macapagal, Estrada, and Arroyo. 

Robredo, however, has publicly declared more than a few times that she does not aspire for the presidency. But with an unpredictable arena that is Philippine politics, we will never know what the next 6 years will bring. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – President-elect Rodrigo Duterte is under fire after wolf whistling at a reporter in a press conference on Tuesday, May 31, and defending it days after by saying that it was "not a sexual thing." 

A good number of netizens accept Duterte's explanation that whistling at a woman is covered by freedom of expression. Others are certain that Duterte violated Davao City's ordinance prohibiting catcalling women. 

What constitutes sexual harassment? Where do you draw the line?

What is sexual harassment?

In Section 3, Republic Act 7877, or the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995, classifies sexual harassment as:

Work-related or in employment environment

This is committed when a person demands, requests, or requires sexual favors from another person in exchange for another thing such as hiring for employment, re-employment, or continued employment, granting favorable compensation, terms of conditions, promotions, or privileges.

Refusal to accept sexual favors would mean discrimination or deprivation of employment opportunities.

It is also sexual harassment if the sexual favors would result to abuse of rights under the labor law and and an environment that is intimidating, hostile, or offensive for the victim.

This may be committed by an "employer, employee, manager, supervisor, agent of the employer, any other person who, having authority, influence or moral ascendancy over another in a work environment, demands, requests or otherwise requires any sexual favor from the other."

In education or training environment

This is committed when a person demands, requests, or requires sexual favors from a student in exchange for “giving a passing grade, or the granting of honors and scholarships, or the payment of a stipend, allowance or other benefits, privileges and considerations.”

Just the same, if the sexual favors would result to an “intimidating, hostile or offensive environment for the student, trainee, or apprentice,” they are also considered sexual harassment.

This may be committed by a "teacher, instructor, professor, coach, trainor, or any other person who, having authority, influence, or moral ascendancy over another...demands, requests, or otherwise requires any sexual favor from the other."

Forms of sexual harassment 

Under the Civil Service Commission Resolution Number 01-0940, a set of administrative rules for government employees, forms of sexual harassment include:

• malicious touching
• overt sexual advances
• gestures with lewd insinuation
• requests or demands for sexual favors, and lurid remarks
• use of objects, pictures or graphics, letters or writing notes with sexual underpinnings
• other forms analogous to the ones mentioned

Meanwhile, the Women’s Development Code of Davao City, which Duterte himself signed as mayor, aims to protect the rights of women by punishing those who committ sexual harassment, among other things. 

Under Section 3 of the ordinance, "unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, or other verbal or physical behavior of a sexual nature, made directly, indirectly or impliedly" can be considered sexual harassment.

The following are considered forms of sexual harassment:

• persistent telling of offensive jokes, such as green jokes or other analogous statements to someone who finds them offensive or humiliating
• taunting a person with constant talk about sex and sexual innuendos
• displaying offensive or lewd pictures and publications in the workplace
• interrogating someone about sexual activities or private life during interviews for employment, scholarship grant, or any lawful activity applied for
• making offensive hand or body gestures at someone
• repeatedly asking for dates despite verbal rejection
• staring or leering maliciously
• touching, pinching, or brushing up against someone’s body unnecessarily or deliberately
• kissing or embracing someone against her will
• requesting sexual favors in exchange for a good grade, obtaining a good job or promotion, etc
• cursing, whistling, or calling a woman in public with words having dirty connotations or implications which tend to ridicule, humiliate or embarrass the woman such as “puta” (prostitute), “boring,” “peste” (pest), etc
• any other unnecessary acts during physical examinations
• requiring women to wear suggestive or provocative attire during interviews for job hiring, promotion, and admission

Street harassment is among the most common forms of sexual harassment. (READ: The streets that haunt Filipino women)

Sexual harassment in public spaces: "Unwanted comments, gestures, and actions forced on a stranger in a public place without their consent and is directed at them because of their actual or perceived sex, gender, gender expression, or sexual orientation." – Stop Street Harassment Organization

Street harassment can happen in public places, such as in and around public transportation, public washrooms, church, internet shops, parks, stores and malls, school grounds, terminals, and waiting sheds.

According to the Philippine Statistics Authority, sexual harassment may happen in the following:

• premises of the workplace or office or of the school or training institution
• any place where the parties are found, as a result of work or education or training responsibilities or relations
• work- or education- or training-related social functions
• while on official business outside the office or school or training institution or during work- or school- or training-related travel
• at official conferences, fora, symposia, or training sessions
• by telephone, cellular phone, fax machine, or electronic mail

Women are most vulnerable

The Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act, also known as Republic Act 9262, also considers sexual harassment as a form of violence against women.

Section 3 of the law says that sexual violence refers to “rape, sexual harassment, acts of lasciviousness, treating a woman or her child as a sex object, making demeaning and sexually suggestive remarks.”

A 2016 study conducted by the Social Weather Stations found that women are most vulnerable to sexual harassment.

In Quezon City, Metro Manila’s biggest city with a population of over 3 million, 3 in 5 women were sexually harassed at least once in their lifetime, according to the report. In barangays Payatas and Bagong Silangan, 88% of respondents ages 18 to 24 experienced street harassment at least once.

Across all ages, 12 to 55 and above, wolf whistling and catcalling are the most experienced cases. (READ:'Hi, sexy!' is not a compliment)

Quezon City is the first city in Metro Manila to impose penalties on street harassment.

In the Philippines, 58% of incidents of sexual harassment happen on the streets, major roads, and eskinitas (alleys). Physical forms of sexual harassment occur mostly in public transport.

Sexual harassment can be punished under Republic Act 7877, or the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995, and the provisions of the Revised Penal Code on Acts of Lasciviousness.

RA 7877 penalizes sexual harassment with imprisonment of 1 to 6 months, a fine of P10,000 to P20,000, or both. Acts of lasciviousness, on the other hand, would mean imprisonment under the Revised Penal Code. – Rappler.com 

The announcement that the Cabinet of President-elect Rodrigo Duterte will be patterned after that of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was enough to excite Filipinos.

After all, the Trudeau Cabinet has one of the most progressive rosters in the world. The prospect of having something similar in the Philippines was seen as  a silver lining.

A few days after the polls, Duterte’s transition committee spokesperson Peter Laviña announced that the Duterte camp “ideally” wants to pattern the incoming Cabinet after Trudeau’s as “sectors are properly represented.”

With an equal number of men and women aged mostly under 50, the Trudeau Cabinet has been described as gender-balanced and youthful. It includes an Afghan refugee and a Paralympian.

When asked why he decided to have such a mix in his Cabinet, the 44-year-old Prime Minister said, “Because it’s 2015.”

The Davao city mayor himself has said throughout the campaign trail that he wanted “young and brilliant” people in his Cabinet. Laviña had said the president-elect also wanted to appoint people from various ethnic groups and social sectors. (READ: Duterte bares details about his wish list Cabinet)

What happened?

Less than a month before the new administration takes over, the Duterte Cabinet has slowly veered away from the supposed original plan.

Based on the individuals named, the composition of the president-elect’s closest circle in Malacañang is male-dominated and far from youthful.

So far, only two women have been named to the Duterte Cabinet: UP professor Judy Taguiwalo for the Department of Social Welfare and Development, and former national treasurer Leonor Briones for the Department of Education. Duterte is eyeing a "lady from the Left" for the National Anti-Poverty Commission.

Former immigration chief Andrea Domingo will be the new Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (PAGCOR) chief, a non-Cabinet position.

The current number of prospective women appointees in the incoming Cabinet is not what one would expect, considering that Senator Pia Cayetano was tasked to advise the transition committee on recruiting women leaders to the incoming administration. She was supposed to help "identify, vet, and select more women leaders to join government." (READ: Duterte presidency to have more women leaders)

Once finalized, the incoming Cabinet might also be nothing like the Davao City government which Irene Santiago of the Mindanao Commission on Women described as “almost all women. His chief of staff is a woman, more than half of the city councilors are women."

She added that because of this, Duterte is "very comfortable having women in positions of leadership.”

Meanwhile, also unlike Trudeau’s, the only named Cabinet member under the age of 50 – so far – is incoming Public Works Secretary Mark Villar. The Las Piñas Representative and son of former Senate president Manny Villar is 38 years old. He may be the youngest, but he is also one of the more controversial appointments, given his family's business. (READ: DPWH post: Can Mark Villar rise above business interests?)

The others selected to be part of the Duterte administration are in their late 50s to early 70s. In fact, with the current roster, the average age of the incoming Cabinet is 66 years old – 16 years older than the Trudeau threshold.

According to President-elect Duterte, “bright and young” people who initially wanted to join his government declined because of the low government salary. The young ones he approached reportedly “want to be patriotic but the problem is the necessity.” (READ: Duterte: Young Cabinet nominees turned off by low salary)

Throwback

Among the members of the incoming administration are people who served past presidents, many from the Arroyo administration. While Trudeau said the composition of his Cabinet reflects current times, the emerging Duterte Cabinet appears to be a throwback to past administrations.

One significant difference, though, is the presence of individuals considered to be progressive since Duterte asked for nominees from the Left– a move that no president in recent years had dared to do.

Will Duterte’s Cabinet deliver better than Aquino’s? We have the next 6 years to find out. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – How do you cover a president like Rodrigo Duterte? 

For Vincent Lazatin, one of the conveners of Media Nation, it’s time for media reports to shift focus to the substance of the president-elect's speeches over his expletives. Media Nation convenes media executives and journalists to tackle issues the industry faces.

Lazatin is also executive director of the Transparency and Accountability Network (TAN), which has worked with the media and has been continuously pushing for the passage of the Freedom of Information (FOI) bill, among its various advocacies.

The "shock” that comes with hearing the incoming highest official in the Philippines curse almost every time he speaks is still there, but according to Lazatin, it is time for the media to accept that he is just that way.

“If we are to cover him differently, we already know he’s foul-mouthed so there’s no need to report on that anymore,” the Media Nation convenor explained in an interview with Rappler's Marites Vitug. “Let’s talk about the substance of what he’s trying to say.”

By opting not to include the curses in stories, media consumers will be treated to the real discussion of his plans, issues, and policies that come with being a president.

“What we need are follow-up questions like he says he’s going to shut down Congress, how is he going to do that?” Lazatin said. “It’s best to get over the fact that he’s foul-mouthed and decide to not print that because I think it does not add to the discussion.”

Treat like a troll but hold accountable

Individuals have faulted the media for shining the spotlight on the Davao City mayor even during his candidacy. Willingly or unwillingly, Lazatin said, the media became enablers, and to an extent, even “carry some of the blame.”

To better cover him, the media then should treat Duterte as a “troll who says things just to provoke.” Falling into the trap of a troll will lead the discussion to spiral out of control, falling far beyond the original goal or question.  

This is the “deliberate strategy” of the president-elect, he said, who often provokes, blames, or changes the subject when he doesn’t want to answer a question.

“So if you sort of treat him like that, when he tries to provoke you, you stay on track on the topics that you’re trying to cover and ask,” Lazatin explained. “Through this, you can make sure he doesn’t get away with not answering those questions.”

The president-elect’s losing running mate, Senator Alan Peter Cayetano, has also said that Duterte is “very strategic.”

Despite Duterte’s statement urging the media to boycott him and eventually stating that he won’t be granting interviews “until the end of his term”, journalists should continue holding the president-elect accountable – especially with the flip-flopping he is known for.

“If he said something today and 3 months from now, he reverses himself, he has to be accountable for what he said today,” Lazatin said. “If we keep on letting the president get away with it, we can never pin him down categorically on policies, positions on issues, among others.”

No more jokes

People within the circle of Duterte, however, have continuously warned the media not to misinterpret his pronouncements.

For example, presidential spokesman Salvador Panelo told journalists to always look closely at Duterte’s body language and the context of what he says, following the president-elect’s comments on media killings. (READ: Media should be more 'discerning' about Duterte's statements – Panelo)

Lazatin, however, insisted that Duterte should realize it is time to be more careful as the “words coming from the mouth of a president are gold.” It is expected that the media – and the public in general – will look into what he says and hold him accountable.

Leaving the public to discern whether or not a statement was delivered as a joke is problematic.

“The truth is, we really can’t and I don’t think anybody really can (know if he’s joking),” Lazatin said. “When a public can’t tell the difference, then this public official can escape accountability for his or her works.”

“So if they say something atrocious and there’s backlash, he can say that he’s just joking,” he added. “You can’t use that to escape accountability for what you’re saying.”

Duterte’s valid point

Duterte, following the backlash against his statement on media killings, said he is disgusted with journalists who hit people and demand money to keep their mouth shut. The president-elect referred to them as the “vultures of journalism.” (READ: Duterte on media killings: 'What can I do?')

According to Lazatin, the president-elect’s point in highlighting corruption among media was valid and needs to be addressed.

“We also need to give him credit for calling it out that there is widespread corruption in media as it is a legitimate issue,” he said.

Holding the media accountable, although an acceptable first line of defense, should go beyond “clearing their own ranks.” It is about time that a council be established, Lazatin said, that will call out corrupt members of the media. It should be composed of members from the media and civil society organizations “to put an outside perspective.”

“We know that in the media, we have self-regulating bodies but I think we should give flesh to that idea that we need to create a council,” he said. “(Corrupt journalists) exist and are among us.”

Consumers or readers, meanwhile, should let organizations know what they think is acceptable and unacceptable as the thinking that media only dish out what the public wants is very debatable.

“The public will just consume what it is given because they have no choice,” Lazation explained. “So I think there should be space for citizens and organized groups to provide some feedback to the media.” – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – President-elect Rodrigo Duterte, in a press conference on May 31, said that journalists are legitimate targets of assassination “if you're a son of a bitch.”

One of these people “who deserved it”, he said, was broadcaster Jun Pala. But who is Pala beyond the words the Davao City mayor used to describe him?

Juan “Jun” Pala, according to the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR), worked as a cub reporter for dxRH in 1987 before becoming a regular anchor a year after. In Davao City, he was known for his work in Davao City-based dxGO radio station where he hosted “Isumbong Mo kay Pala” (Tell Pala) and “Aksyon Radyo” (Action Radio).

For using expletives in his radio show, Pala was banned “for life” by the Kapisanan ng mga Broadkaster sa Pilipinas (KBP) but his connections reportedly helped him evade these sanctions, a 2005 Newsbreak story said.

On September 6, 2003, while returning home from a friend’s house, Pala was gunned down by unknown men on a motorcycle. He sustained 9 gunshot wounds, mostly on his chest and head, and was pronounced dead on arrival at the San Pedro Hospital.

Thirteen years later, his case remains unsolved.

Pala's anti-Left stand

One of the differences between the Davao City mayor and the killed journalist was their perception of the Communist movement.

In contrast to Duterte’s “good” relationship with the New People’s Army (NPA), Pala was reportedly part of the Alsa Masa– an anti-communist group that was accused of human rights abuses in the 1980s.

In the 1970s to the 1980s, Davao City was an image of complete chaos. It was tagged as the "murder capital of the Philippines" as insurgents and government forces killed each other to gain control of the city.

Members of the NPA carried out targetted killings, mostly of corrupt politicians and suspected informants.

According to Ronald May's Vigilantes in the Philippines: From Fanatical Cults to Citizens' Organisations in 1992, Alsa Masa was formed in 1984 in a low-income settlement in the district of Agdao to combat the "financial and other impositions" of the NPA.

The group, however, eventually became notorious for its lawless activities such as killing suspected rebels.

After lying low for a few years, the group was revived in 1986 as a full-blown anti-communist group led by Rolando Ponsa.

Lt. Col. Franco M. Calida, then a local Philippine Constabulary (PC) commander and a "hardline anti-communist," was credited with the spread of the Alsa Masa. He was even quoted in the New York Times in 1987 as saying back then that “anybody who would not like to join Alsa Masa is a communist.”

Resentment vs NPAs

The Alsa Masa was able to improve its "counter-insurgency program" by tapping into the residents' "deep reservoir of resentment" toward the NPA.

The group was estimated to have had at least 9,000 members in 1987 which included former NPA members. Former President Corazon Aquino had also endorsed the group – and the use of vigilante groups in general – to combat communists which had then become widespread under her administration.

Several reports tagged Pala as part of the Alsa Masa as he often read over the radio the group’s manifesto. He also reportedly threatened those who doubted their movement with retribution: "We will exhibit your heads in the plaza. Just one order to our anti-communist forces, your head will be cut off. Damn you, your brains will be scattered in the streets."

But the hard-hitting radio broadcaster wasn't against the communists all his life, according to Davao journalist Jun Ledesma.

The Sun.Star Davao columnist and Mindanao Journal publisher was president of Media Dabaw, a press club made of community journalists in the area, and which was organized to protect themselves "from harassment from the Left and the Right."

Ledesma, who describes himself as both friend and critic of Duterte, said that Pala was so against the Marcos administration and other goverment establishments even during Martial Law because he had the protection of members of the Communist Party of the Philippines-NPA (CPP-NPA).

"His station, DxRH, was in Agdao which was the hub of the CPP-NPA and the NPA Sparrows so he was protected," Ledesma explained. "Hindi puwedeng pumasok doon ang police as it was the lair and base of the NPA then (The police could not enter as it was the lair and base of the NPA then)."

When a new Integrated National Police (INP) commander took over, however, Pala's show was shut down.

Ledesma recalled how Pala, then a member of Media Dabaw, sought his help to get back to his show. Four months off the air, he said, was "too long and a torture" for Davao City's ace commentator.

"He came to me and said, 'Nong Jun, tabangi ako makabalik sa akong programa (Please help me get back to my program)'," Ledesma said. "So I told him, 'How would I help you when it is the INP cutting all the program?' and he said, 'Samahan mo lang ako (Just come with me).'"

In Pala's meeting with the new Police Commander Dionisio S. Tan-Gatue Jr, Ledesma recalled how the commentator offered himself to turn against the NPA in exchange for his program, even stating that "in the duration that I was out of my job, not one of the NPA came to me and offered help."

Tan-Gatue, however, only wanted "balanced and fair commentary" from Pala.

"Hindi siya pinwersa, he offered himself, but Tan-Gatue didn't want him to do that," Ledesma emphasized. "Sabi pa niya, 'ang akin lang naman ay maging fair ka at huwag maging one way" but he insisted and said, 'Hindi, pakita ko sa kanila kung anong magagawa ko.'"

(He wasn't forced, he offered himself but Tan-Gatue didn't want him to do that. He even said, "For me, all I wanted was for him to be fair and not be one-sided" but he insisted and said, "No, let me show them what I can do.")

Shifting loyalty

It marked the start of Pala being tagged anti-communist. He waged war against the NPA and became very popular because of it. He, however, had to move out of Agdao and transfer to dxOW.

"He was the only radio journalist who was fighting it out, spitting fire, against the CPP-NPA," Ledesma said. "Ginamit siya ng military (He was used by the military)."

The radio commentator's sentiments against the Left, however, spilled over even to those who were not entirely part of the movement.

Stella Estremera, editor-in-chief of Sun.Star Davao, in an opinion piece published on June 4, said she earned the ire of Pala, and was threatened on air by him as a young journalist assigned to cover the Left. 

Despite Duterte's recent statement against the killed journalist, the two used to be friends.

A source close to the president-elect told Rappler that Pala's anti-communism stance did not get in the way of the early friendship between the two – the Davao City mayor was even the one who talked to the NPAs when tension arose.

From friends to foes

In 2001, however, a bitter feud started betwen the two after a string of disagreements which were reportedly rooted in Duterte not giving in to some of Pala's requests.

Since then, the source said, Duterte became one of those whom Pala attacked over the airwaves – miners and local politicians alike. The Davao mayor even accused Pala of being his rival's mouthpiece.

As a commentator of dxGo Aksyon Radyo, a 2005 Newsbreak story said Pala would often introduce himself as someone “who remains the voice of democracy in (Mayor Rodrigo) Duterte’s reign of terror” before greeting the audience, "maayong buntag (good morning)".

Ledesma said that the very big role Pala played in the campaign of the INP against the CPP-NPA eventually "went up to his head." He eventually had enemies from the Left and the Right.

Pala was ambushed thrice. Three days prior to the last one which eventually killed him in 2003, Ledesma said that he tried to seek help from Duterte. 

"Three days before he was killed, he even came to me and asked me to bring him to Mayor Duterte," he recalled. "He said, 'Luluhod ako sa harap ni Mayor, tulungan niya lang ako. (I will kneel down before the mayor just so he would help me.)”

Ledesma refused to intervene.

No justification

The death of 49-year-old Pala in 2003 – despite his being notorious for inciting to violence in 2003 – was condemned by the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) as a “blow to press freedom.”

Duterte’s recent statement on media killings earned him a similar statement from NUJP 13 years later.

Although there is indeed corruption among the ranks of the media, according to the journalists’ group, it does not justify taking someone’s life. (READ: Journalists' groups hit Duterte's justification of media killings) – with a report by Bea Cupin/Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Will the federal-parliamentary form of government being proposed for the Duterte administration have an effect on the vice presidency?

It has – at least, going by what incoming House of Representatives Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez has said. "In a parliamentary setup, walang (there is no) vice president," he said in an interview.

This proposed setup – federal system with a parliamentary government– is very different from the current system that the country is under. Under a federal system, sovereignty is constitutionally shared between a central governing authority and constituent political units called states or regions.

This will break the country into different states, each having the power to make decisions with little or no interference from the national government. Powers and functions of the central government – mostly in Metro Manila – will be decentralized and devolved to localities.

Duterte has argued that only federalism would be able to solve the woes of the country's provinces, especially Mindanao. (READ: Will federalism address PH woes? Pros and cons of making the shift)

In countries with federal system like the US, they do elect a president as their head of state and government.

Meanwhile, under a parliamentary government, parties (not individuals) are elected to form the government, with the leader of the majority party becoming the prime minister or premier or chancellor.

The prime minister/premier/chancellor is considered the head of government, and is tasked to form the Cabinet made up mostly of parliament members. The head of government is considered the main political figure in a parliamentary government.

For some countries with federal parliamentary governments like Austria, Germany, and India, a president – who is considered the head of state – is elected by the parliament. His position, however, is only "ceremonial", and has limited powers.

Vice presidency

In a Facebook post, former Ateneo School of Government dean Tony La Viña explained how the vice presidency works in both federal and parliamentary systems.

"Most federal states do have Vice Presidents. Parliamentary systems do not have Vice Presidents because Presidents also are just symbols, and real powers are with the Prime Minister," he said.

A look at most of the world's parliamentary governments – like Canada, Germany, Malaysia, and Australia – indeed shows that they don't have a vice president.

While the Philippines has the vice president on standby, ready to take over the presidency if the need arises, parliaments elect a new president after the resignation of its head of state.

But despite the absence of the vice president position in a parliament, Alvarez said that this position can still be retained in our government once the shift happens.

"It depends on what the members of the constitutional convention or the constituent assembly will agree on," he said.

This is what happened to countries like India and Nepal – both with parliamentary systems of government – which created the vice president position for specific functions.

In India, which has a federal parliamentary government, its latest constitution provides for a vice president who will serve as ex officio chairperson of the Rajya Sabha party.

Meanwhile, in Nepal, the position of vice president was created after the abolition of the monarchy. Under its latest constitution, the vice president serves as the deputy head of state.

In a phone interview with constitutionalist Amado Valdez, he explained that incoming Vice President Leni Robredo “will not be denied” the 6-year term to which she had been voted once the shift in government happens.

"By the time [Duterte and Robredo's] term expires, that’s the only time the situation will normalize in the new system of government," he said.

Other congressmen interviewed by Rappler also said shortening Robredo's term due to the shift in government will be impossible and will have no legal grounds. (READ: Federalism can't cut short VP Robredo term – experts)

For now, given the current setup of government, the Philippine vice president will serve as "spare tire" in the administration. (READ: Spare tire or not? The role of the Philippine vice president) – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The camp of Senator Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr announced they are set to file an electoral protest questioning the results of the 2016 vice presidential elections. (READ: Marcos camp to file electoral protest by the end of June)

Among the issues they raised were the huge number of undervotes in the VP race, which Camarines Sur Representative Maria Leonor "Leni" Robredo won by a slim margin.

Undervoting happens when the number of choices made by a voter for a particular contest is less than the minimum number allowed for that race, or when no choice is made for a single choice contest. For example, undervoting occurs when a voter chooses less than 12 names for senator on the ballot, or when a voter abstains in the choice for president, vice president, governor, representative, and other local executive posts.

During the congressional canvassing of votes for president and vice president in May, Robredo's lawyers repeatedly argued that undervoting is common during elections, and does not necessarily translate to poll fraud.

What's the real deal with these undervotes? Are they cause for concern or are they a non-issue?

Undervote statistics

For the 2016 elections, based on results from 96.14% of precincts received by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) Transparency Server, there were at least 2,918,905 undervotes in the VP election. This is 6.68% of the total voters who actually voted on May 9.

The VP race undervotes are more than twice the 1,249,197 undervotes in the presidential race, which correspond to only 2.86% of the total voter turnout.

The 10 provinces with the highest and lowest undervoting rates (total undervotes divided by voters who actually voted) in the 2016 VP election are:

Among the top 10 provinces, 3 are in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM): Lanao del Sur, Tawi-Tawi, and Sulu. Robredo won in the first two provinces, while Marcos won in Sulu.

On the other hand, Metro Manila posted the lowest undervoting rate, at only 1.5%. It is followed by neighboring provinces Rizal and Cavite, then Laguna with the 5th lowest rate. Bulacan was at 8th.

Three of the 4 provinces in Marcos' "home base", the Ilocos Region – Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, and La Union – are also in the bottom 10. (READ: How regions voted for Robredo, Marcos in 2016 VP race)

Compared to 2010

Historically, however, the behavior of voters with regard to undervoting has been essentially the same in the last two presidential polls, according to information technology director William Yu of the Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV).

In 2010, Yu said, 4.94% of voters undervoted in the VP race, also more than twice the undervotes in the presidential race (2.28%).

Based on data from the 2010 Comelec transparency server, which was obtained by Rappler from PPCRV, and which reflects 90.2% of total precincts, these are the provinces with the highest decreases and increases in undervoting rates in 2016 compared to 2010:

Sulu posted the biggest decrease, from a 32.63% undervoting rate in 2010 down to 14.82% in 2016. On the other hand, undervoting increased the most in Davao Oriental, from 8.86% in 2010 to 12.38% in 2016.

Shown in the map below are the differences in undervoting rates per province in 2016 versus 2010. 

Notice that undervoting went down in Marcos' and Robredo's home regions – Ilocos and Bicol, respectively. It went down in 4 of 5 ARMM provinces, while it got worse in many provinces in Luzon and parts of Western Visayas and Southern Mindanao.

Meanwhile, Yu noted that undervoting rates rose slightly in Regions II and III, where Marcos led in the vote count. Yu argued this "might not support his case entirely" if the Marcos camp insists on undervoting issues.

{source}

<style type="text/css">
#googft-mapCanvas img { max-width:none; }
</style>

<script type="text/javascript" src="https://maps.google.com/maps/api/js?sensor=false&amp;v=3"></script>
<script type="text/javascript">

function initialize() {
var isMobile = (navigator.userAgent.toLowerCase().indexOf('android') > -1) || (navigator.userAgent.match(/(iPod|iPhone|iPad|BlackBerry|Windows Phone|iemobile)/));

if (isMobile) {

var viewport = document.querySelector("meta[name=viewport]");
viewport.setAttribute('content', 'initial-scale=1.0, user-scalable=no');
}

var mapDiv = document.getElementById('googft-mapCanvas');

mapDiv.style.width ='800px';
mapDiv.style.height ='450px';

var map = new google.maps.Map(document.getElementById('googft-mapCanvas'), {
center: new google.maps.LatLng(13.02, 130.5),
zoom: 5,
disableDefaultUI: true,
panControl: true,
zoomControl: true,
scaleControl: true,
mapTypeId: google.maps.MapTypeId.ROADMAP
});
map.controls[google.maps.ControlPosition.RIGHT_BOTTOM].push(document.getElementById('googft-legend-open'));
map.controls[google.maps.ControlPosition.RIGHT_BOTTOM].push(document.getElementById('googft-legend'));
map.setOptions({
minZoom: 5,
maxZoom: 8,
styles: [{
stylers: [
{ saturation: -100 }
]},
{
featureType: "road",
stylers: [
{ visibility: "off" }
]
},{
featureType: "poi",
stylers: [
{ visibility: "off" }
]
},{
elementType: "labels",
stylers: [
{ visibility: "off" }
]
},{
featureType: "water",
stylers: [
{ visibility: "off" }
]
},{
featureType: "administrative", 
elementType: "labels", 
stylers: [ 
{ visibility: "off" } 
] 
}
]});
map.controls[google.maps.ControlPosition.RIGHT_BOTTOM].push(document.getElementById('googft-legend'));
layer = new google.maps.FusionTablesLayer({
map: map,
heatmap: { enabled: false },
query: {
select: "col1",
from: "1y7B-Ye2Nl5SvgqMXkqzsO7ZZFMhy9DRUHEsOxXIv",
where: ""
},
options: {
styleId: 3,
templateId: 2
}
});

if (isMobile) {
var legend = document.getElementById('googft-legend');
var legendOpenButton = document.getElementById('googft-legend-open');
var legendCloseButton = document.getElementById('googft-legend-close');
legend.style.display = 'none';
legendOpenButton.style.display = 'block';
legendCloseButton.style.display = 'block';
legendOpenButton.onclick = function() {
legend.style.display = 'block';
legendOpenButton.style.display = 'none';
}
legendCloseButton.onclick = function() {
legend.style.display = 'none';
legendOpenButton.style.display = 'block';
}
}
}

google.maps.event.addDomListener(window, 'load', initialize);

function toggleLayer(cbxId) {
if (cbxId == 'layer1') {
layer.setOptions({styleId: 3, templateId: 2});
}
else if (cbxId == 'layer2') {
layer.setOptions({styleId: 2, templateId: 2});
}
}

/* function showInContentWindow(text) {
var sidediv = document.getElementById('display-info');
sidediv.innerHTML = text;
} */
google.maps.event.addDomListener(window, 'load', initialize);
</script>

<div class="blob-full">

<p><em>Click on each province on the map below for more details.</em></p>

<p><em>First map: The darker the shade of blue, the bigger the under-voting rate in 2016. Second map: Provinces in green denote a decrease in under-voting in 2016 versus 2010, while provinces in red denote an increase.</em></p>

<form style="display: inline; font-size: small;">
<div class="table-responsive"><table class="table">
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><div class="row"><div class="col-md-6" style="float: left;"><input id="check1" type="radio" name="grp1" value="layer1" checked="checked" onchange="toggleLayer(this.value)" /> Under-voting rate (2016)</div>

<div class="col-md-6"><input id="check2" type="radio" name="grp1" value="layer2" onchange="toggleLayer(this.value)" /> % pt. difference (vs. 2010)</div>
</div></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
</form>

<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td width="100%"><div class="row"><div id="googft-mapCanvas" class="cols-md-12"><!-- map canvas --></div></div></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table></div>

</div>

{/source}

Looking at precinct-level data, a majority of clustered precincts (CPs) in 2016 (69,969, or 77.2% of all precincts in the partial, unofficial count) posted undervoting rates of less than 10%.

This is roughly the same as the 2010 VP election, when at least 76.91% of precincts (53,049 precincts in the Comelec Transparency Server) had undervoting rates of less than 10%.

In 2016, at least 14,601 precincts had 10% to 19% of voters undervoting, while only 191 precincts logged undervoting rates of over 50%.

{source}

<script id="infogram_0_358949af-a2f9-41bc-8d1a-d506962e2e7a" title="" src="http://e.infogr.am/js/embed.js?s6r" type="text/javascript"></script>

{/source}

'Lack of depth' in candidate pool

According to election lawyer Rona Caritos of the Legal Network for Truthful Elections (Lente), undervoting happens mainly because of "lack of depth" in candidate choices.

"You don't always equate that to cheating. There are really many voters who undervote because they don't like any of the choices," Caritos said. "It's not rare in our election."

"It is a valid transaction," added PPCRV's Yu. "There are some voters who purposely undervote, who really choose not to vote [for someone in a certain post]."

This sentiment even led to a petition filed before the Supreme Court to include a "none of the above" (NOTA) option on the ballot. The SC dismissed this petition in January 2016.

How voters view the vice president's role in government could also be another factor, said Caritos. "They may be more interested in the presidential race. They might also think na walang ginagawa ang VP (the VP is doing nothing), that it's not an important position."

To lessen the occurence, or even do away with undervoting, Caritos said Lente is looking into a "single ticket" system where voters would choose one ticket or tandem for president and vice president, instead of voting for them separately.

{source}

<div class="blob-left">
<iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Frapplerdotcom%2Fposts%2F1192663970754384%3A0&width=500" width="100%" height="480" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowTransparency="true"></iframe>
</div>

{/source}

As for the distribution of undervotes, Caritos said that low undervoting in Ilocos and many areas in Marcos' so-called "Solid North" is expected.

But undervoting in the Visayas was a "surprise", said Caritos, given that it is the bailiwick of Liberal Party (LP) standard-bearer Manuel "Mar" Roxas II. The region should have also produced votes for Robredo.

Minimal voter complaints

For poll fraud allegations to prosper in relation to undervotes, Caritos argued that these should be backed up by reports of vote-counting machines (VCM) reading ballots wrongly.

One way to corroborate these is through complaints involving voter receipts, which should have reflected the voter's choices on the ballot, as read by the VCM. The names of candidates that a voter shaded on the ballot and the candidates' names printed on the voter receipt should have matched. If they didn't, the voter should have complained to the Board of Election Inspectors (BEI) manning the polling precinct during elections.

Poll watchdogs like Lente were expecting such complaints on May 9, "but we did not receive a lot of it. In fact, what became an issue on election day were reports of VCMs breaking down," said Caritos.

"So we'll assume that the VCMs counted the ballots properly," she added.

It would also be difficult to prove that cheating happened by changing election results during electronic transmission, Caritos continued. "Because you have election returns and Certificates of Canvass (COC) printed out. There are many checks [in the automated election system], if ever the votes would be changed."

Strategy?

Caritos added that poll cheating allegations, if substantiated, could trigger a manual recount, at least in certain areas. For instance, "part of the procedure of the Comelec is, you must establish where the poll fraud possibly happened... Do that and then recount could really happen," she argued.

This strategy is commonly observed in electoral protests for local races, she said.

In the case of undervotes, Caritos said, "You should prove that those undervotes were really intended for you, but weren't counted by the VCM."

She emphasized, however, that in the event that Marcos files an electoral protest, the procedure of the Presidential Electoral Tribunal (PET) could be different.

The PET has sole jurisdiction over protests in the results for the presidential and vice presidential elections. It previously handled the protest of Loren Legarda against former vice president Noli de Castro's victory in 2004, as well as Mar Roxas' electoral protest over then vice president Jejomar Binay's win in 2010. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – At least 130 out of 238 available seats for district representatives will be occupied by members of the present Congress who sought another term and won in the 2016 elections. These reelectionists constitute roughly more than half of the incoming 17^th Congress.

Last Wednesday, June 8, the House of Representatives released a summary of the information encoded in each of its members’ Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN). (READ: Absent-prone Pacquiao, Ledesma top list of richest congressmen in 2015) 

Rappler looked into the dataset and checked who among these returning congressmen had the biggest gains in their net worth during their past term.  

Comparing their 2013 and 2015 net worth, it turns out that there are 12 reelectionists who doubled – or even quadrupled – their wealth in the last 3 years. (READ: 224 members of Congress richer in 2014) 

Bohol 2nd District Representative Erico Aristotle Aumentado’s wealth swelled by 746%. From more than P 5.2 million recorded net worth in 2013, Aumentado’s net worth shot up to P44.7 million in 2015.

A first-time congressman, Aumentado is the youngest child of the late Erico Aumentado who served the province as governor and congressman. The younger Aumentado assumed his father’s post after he died in Christmas of 2012. He will serve his second term in the incoming Congress.

Another big gainer who is pursuing a return to Congress come June 30 is Dinagat Islands Representative Arlene “Kaka” Bag-ao. The ruling Liberal Party (LP) member and human rights lawyer recorded a growth rate of 505% in her net worth from 2013 to 2015.

Here are other district representatives who doubled their wealth:

The list includes former president and incumbent Pampanga 2^nd district Representative Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. From P136.8 million in 2013, her net worth rose to P393.9 million 3 years after. Arroyo, who has been under hospital arrest at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center since 2012, has no recorded liabilities for 2015.

Meanwhile, Catanduanes Representative Cesar Sarmiento became neither richer nor poorer during his second term. The former LP lawmaker, who recently took his oath before President-elect Rodrigo Duterte’s Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan, consistently filed a net worth of P4.65 million.

Poorer

But while most of the returning congressmen became richer, there are also a number whose wealth dropped.

Cagayan de Oro 1^st district Representative Rolando Uy lost over P36.6 million in the last years he served in Congress. This amounts to a 72% decline from his P50.5 million in 2013 to P13.9 million in 2015. 

Following Uy in the “biggest losers” list are Antipolo City 2^nd district Representative Romeo Acop and Quezon City 2^nd district Representative Winston Castelo. Both lost half their wealth in the last 3 years.

There are about 30 reelectionists who became “poorer” after their 3-year term. This includes former First Lady and incumbent Ilocos Norte 2^nd district Representative Imelda Marcos whose wealth decreased by a mere 0.5% from 2013 and 2015.  

– Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – Did you know that the country celebrates Flag Days for two weeks in the lead up to our Independence Day celebration?

Section 26 of Republic Act 8491, or the Flag and Heraldic Code of the Philippines, says May 28 to June 12 mark the official celebration of Flag Days, culminating in the celebration of Independence Day.

On these days, all Filipinos are encouraged to display their Philippine flags.

Why start on May 28? It was on this day in 1898 when the Philippine flag was first unfurled after the Philippine Revolutionary Army won over the Spanish forces in the Battle at Alapan in Imus, Cavite.

Despite years of learning about the Philippines and its emblems in history classes and various reading materials, there may still be a lot to discover.

For one, the document, The Act of the Proclamation of Philippine Independence (Acta de la proclamacion de independencia del pueblo Filipino), written by lawyer and author Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, defies and challenges most of what we know about the Philippine Flag.

Here are some of them:

On the three stars

Contrary to common belief, the 3 stars actually represent the islands of Luzon, Panay and Mindanao, and not Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.

The Proclamation of Independence in 1898 referred to these 3 as the "archipelago's three principal islands" where the revolution started, and not the "principal grouping of islands".

At that time, the island of Panay was treated as the Visayan center of the revolutionary movement.

On the white triangle

The color white is often seen as a symbol of purity. But the white triangle actually represents the Katipunan, which, through the blood compact, compelled the masses to rise in revolt.

It also refers to the "Eye of Providence", the all-seeing eye which went on to inspire the Katipunan's ideology.

On the sun and its rays

The first flag used from 1896 up to 1901 had an anthropomorphic sun with a face, a recurring symbol in masonic rites.

Sewn in Hong Kong by Filipino expatriates and eventually brought to the Philippines by Emilo Aguinaldo, the flag was made tri-colored, featuring blue and red with a white triangle on the left side framing 3 yellow stars, along with the anthropomorphic 8-rayed sun.

The 8 rays symbolize the first 8 Tagalog provinces that rose up against Spanish colonial rule: Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Laguna, Tarlac, and Batangas.

However, in the original version of the document – and even in its English translation – there was no mention of Tarlac as part of the 8 rays. Instead of Tarlac was Bataan.

On the colors

The designers of the flag decided to use the same colors of the United States flag – red, blue, and white – to honor its "disinterested protection" of the Philippines.

In fact, there were many propositions and revisions in the colors, specifically with the shade of blue.

Executive Order No. 1010 in 1985 changed the flag's blue shade from navy blue to pale sky blue. Historians noted that this change was influenced by the available clothing supplies at the time.

This change of color was unknown to many.

After the EDSA Revolution in 1986, President Corazon Aquino reinstalled the original navy blue color through Executive Order No. 292.

In 1998, the shade of blue was reverted to royal blue – the color used during the Commonwealth time – as part of the specifications observed up until today. – Rappler.com

Sources: Gov.ph, Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office, MSC Institute of Technology

Mary Gleefer Jalea is a Rappler intern.

MANILA, Philippines – The Philippines' education sector has seen quite a number of changes in the past 6 years, but none of them were as dramatic and controversial as the shift from a 10-year to a 12-year basic education cycle.

The Department of Education (DepEd) started preparations for the additional two years of high school as soon as the Enhanced Basic Education Act was signed in 2013. 

The last 3 years saw a rise in the education budget, the crafting of a new curriculum, the training of teachers, and the construction of classrooms.

To the mind of education officials, learners are at the center of this education reform. By the end of 12-year basic education, high school graduates are expected to have the basic skills needed in the workforce.

The ideal scenario is that every student who completes Grade 10 – 4th year high school in the old cycle – will continue studying in Grade 11.

But in 2015, Senator Antonio "Sonny" Trillanes IV – one of the program's staunchest critics – said dropout rates will soar because of the additional expenses that come with two more years of high school.

Early estimates from groups resisting K to 12 pegged the additional cost at P20,000 for two years, but the Kabataan party list recently claimed additional expenses for two years could actually go over P100,000.

Days before the nationwide rollout of senior high school's Grade 11, the Philippine Star reported there were only 432,000 enrollees in the senior high school program.

Education Secretary Armin Luistro is not worried about these figures. He expects a "more solid" report on enrollment after the first week of classes.

Even local education officials are expecting higher enrollment after the opening of classes, since some schools have yet to encode their enrollment into the DepEd's Learner Information System.

Friction

But other DepEd officials admit their biggest challenge right now is making sure every student who completes Grade 10 pursues senior high school.

As it is, the Philippines' Education for All 2015 National Review showed that survival of children until they reach the final year (cohort survival rate) has been improving over the years.

In school year 2012 to 2013, the cohort survival rate for secondary school was at 78% – still a 20%-difference from the target of 100%. 

"There are 8,000 public junior high schools, and out of 8,000, only 5,700 will offer Grade 11," Elvin Uy, DepEd assistant secretary for curriculum and instruction, told Rappler.

"So you have students from about 2,000 schools [who] need to transfer, and anytime kids need to transfer to another school, you anticipate some friction – whether they transfer to another public school which is free, or they go into private school or [state universities and colleges] via the voucher," he added.

As of June 2, around 5,998 DepEd-run public schools and 5,031 non-DepEd schools will offer senior high school to 1.5 million students. At least 191 of public senior high schools are considered stand-alone.

Non-DepEd schools consist of private schools, private higher education institutions, public HEIs (local and state universities and colleges), and technical-vocational institutions.

"Supposedly, [transferring] should be as hassle-free as we can design it, but I think in actuality, that's where you will have problems in terms of students competing for limited slots, or certain private schools imposing additional admission requirements that might deter our students and parents from enrolling in those programs," Uy admitted.

From public to private

In an ideal world, the distribution of 1.5 million students to 11,029 senior high schools translates to 136 students per school.

"Pero sa totoong buhay hindi ganyan (But in reality, that's not the case)," Jesus Mateo, DepEd assistant secretary for governance and operations, told Rappler.

Even if every city and municipality has at least one senior high school, Mateo said the population in one area still varies from another.

"That is our current arrangement – high schools are not in all barangays, unlike elementary schools. These are already older students, they are the ones supposed to go to college, so they are more mobile. These are not children," he said in a mix of English and Filipino. 

Take the case of the schools division in Laguna. Erma Valenzuela, the division's senior high school coordinator, said one school in Alaminos has an enrollee from Batangas.

In Felicisimo T. San Luis National High School – one of the 3 DepEd-run senior high schools in Sta Cruz, Laguna – most of the Grade 10 completers or around 290 students transferred schools, while only 60 stayed to take either the sports track, or the general academic strand.

Benjie Valbuena, the national chair of the Alliance of Concerned Teachers-Philippines (ACT-Philippines), said a poor student could reconsider going to senior high school because of the limited offerings in DepEd-run schools near them.

"Some students from public schools, especially those in urban poor areas, they can't decide on a track. They're hesitant to commit because of their economic status, and arrangements for the voucher system are not yet clear," he told Rappler in a mix of English and Filipino. 

Aside from limited offerings, it appears many students who transfer to non-DepEd schools want a "change of environment."

"There are instances when the student wants to get out of the public system, since they've been here for 4 years, so they want a different environment. But if the time comes and they change their mind, we still have slots here in public school," Valbuena said in a mix of English and Filipino.

Free education?

ACT-Philippines is one of the groups that filed petitions before the Supreme Court (SC) seeking the suspension of the K to 12 program. The High Court has yet to decide on the consolidated petition against the law.

"Senior high school is not for free but for sale, that's clear. [It's a] privatization in education, which is a violation of our Constitution, because in the Constitution, education is free in elementary and high school," Valbuena said in a mix of English and Filipino. 

DepEd's senior high school voucher program offers an alternative for students who want to pursue Grade 11 in non-DepEd schools. For critics, however, the value of the voucher, which ranges from P8,750 to P22,500, is not enough to sustain a student's private education.

Uy admitted that some arrangements in private schools might surprise parents who initially thought they wouldn't have to shell out a single centavo upon availing of the senior high school voucher.

"Some private schools would ask the students to pay first and then they would be reimbursed once the school receives the payment from government. That is allowed, but if the parents or students don't agree [or they really can't pay], they can choose not to enroll in those schools," he added.

The DepEd has already instructed local education officials to help public school students find schools where they will not be charged more than the value of their voucher.

But political analyst Nelson Cainghog from the University of the Philippines Diliman told Rappler that one of the missed opportunities in basic education is actually the voucher program.

"The voucher program, while free, did not address the additional expenses that will be incurred by the parents for two years, [which were] non-existent previously," he added.

Unfinished classrooms

In Sta Cruz, Laguna, teachers are getting reports of students already enrolled in private senior high schools who want to go back to public schools after realizing the cost of private education.

For transferees of Felicisimo T. San Luis National High School who want to go back, the school has prepared buffer rooms for last-minute enrollees.

But the school's 4-story building for senior high is still under construction, leaving the school with no choice but to apply double shifting in junior high school to free up classrooms for senior high school students.

Uy admitted they could have started the construction of classrooms much sooner, but the delays were due to "organizational challenges and constraints."

"As early as the 2014 budget, we had provisions for the senior high school classrooms, but what prevented us from starting the construction sooner was because of [Super Typhoon] Yolanda, government had to redesign its specifications for facilities, and DepEd had to take part in doing calamity-resilient classrooms and facilities," he explained.

"So we ended up starting the 2014 construction late in 2014 or early 2015. And that kind of delay also affected the 2015 construction, which now affects the 2016 construction."

The education department hopes to catch up with the delays, especially since their 2016 budget has an allocation for the construction of 30,000 more classrooms.

New administration

The full implementation of the K to 12 program coincides with the transition period of President-elect Rodrigo Duterte's administration.

Duterte has already decided to support the program despite all its challenges, and has since instructed his incoming education secretary Leonor Briones to focus on two sectors in particular: college teachers who might be displaced, and students who might drop out.

For the possible dropouts, Briones is looking at increasing the budget of the education department's Alternative Learning System (ALS) – a module-based, non-formal way to learn, designed for learners who cannot afford to go through formal schooling.

Cainghog said this is a step in the right direction. ALS, he said, should be given attention to so that students who might end up not going to senior high will still be able to get back on track.

"They need to focus on access," Cainghog said. "The reform might not be perfect but it is on the right track with proper support."

How many students will actually drop out of school because of senior high school remains to be seen.

Fearing the worst, critics have not wavered in their calls to suspend the K to 12 program.

But the education department is hoping for the best. After all, the years of preparation will go to waste if the reform meant to produce the country's best learners will end up leaving many of them behind. – Rappler.com

MANILA, Philippines – The end of June 2016 will mark the official start of a new administration that will be headed by the now-controversial President-elect Rodrigo Duterte.

The country is currently preparing for a transition in leadership from outgoing President Benigno Aquino III to Duterte, whose term is expected to be as colorful and controversial as his remarks before the official start of his term.

But while Duterte has already made a mark for himself insofar as presidential firsts are concerned, Aquino has set records of his own. Here are some of them:

1.     First bachelor president

Aquino – who was 50 when he assumed the presidency in 2010 – was without wife nor children when he took his oath as the 15^th president of the Philippines. This makes him the first bachelor president of the country.

In the event that presidents don’t have a First Spouse, they can choose a family member to perform the supposed duties of their partner. Presidential sisters Kris Aquino, Ballsy Cruz, Pinky Abellada, and Viel Dee alternated in playing the role of First Lady for their brother.

Former presidents Elpidio Quirino and Corazon Aquino were also without spouses when they served their term, but both had been previously married and had children.

Aquino had been linked to different personalities during his term. Among them are celebrity stylist Liz Uy, Korean TV host Grace Lee, and former Valenzuela City councilor Shalani Soledad. Even Miss Universe 2015 Pia Wurtzbach was rumored to have dated Aquino. (READ: The bachelor president: Aquino and the women he met)

The President has often joked about his love life or the lack of it, but he still hopes to marry when he steps down from office.

2.     First president to have graduated from the Ateneo de Manila

Aquino is a Blue Eagle through and through, attending the university along Katipunan from grade school to college. He graduated in 1981 with a degree in Economics.

His professors include Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, also his predecessor.

Former president Joseph Ejercito Estrada was likewise an Ateneo student from elementary to high school until he was expelled, reportedly for unruly behavior. Aquino is set to return to his alma mater on June 25, when he delivers the commencement speech to the graduating class of 2016.

3.     First to appoint a female Chief Justice (CJ)

After the impeachment of Chief Justice Renato Corona, Aquino made another first by appointing Maria Lourdes Sereno to the Supreme Court (SC)’s top post on August 24, 2012. Before Sereno, the country had 23 all-male CJs dating all the way back to 1901.

Asked why the he chose Sereno, Aquino told Rappler in an exit interview on June 7: "What was the main reason? The main reason being that give her or whoever it was that was going to steer [the judiciary] enough time to effect the changes, the reforms that have always been wished for but have never been done."

Sereno, who will serve as Chief Justice for 18 years, was an Associate Justice for two years prior her appointment.

Aquino took his presidential oath under another Associate Justice –  Conchita Carpio Morales – although tradition dictates that the oath should be administered by the chief justice.

It marked the second time that an associate justice swore a president into office. Aquino’s own mother, the late president Corazon Aquino, was sworn in by Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee in 1986 as Ferdinand Marcos also took his oath under then Chief Justice Ramon Aquino.

4.     First to finish his term with a net satisfaction rating higher than 20%

Aquino will end his term with a net satisfaction rating of +27, according to a Social Weather Stations (SWS) survey conducted in April. This is a first for a president since the research institution was established in 1965. 

After Aquino is Fidel V. Ramos, who finished his term with a net satisfiction rating of +19. Despite the people’s push for Cory Aquino to run for president in 1986, she ended her term with a net satisfaction rating of only +7.

Aquino’s predecessor and now reelected Pampanga Representative Arroyo stepped down with a -17 net satisfaction rating, which means that more people were dissatisfied with her by the time she was leaving office.

Before Estrada resigned from office in December 2001, his net satisfaction rating was at +9, a huge dive from his initial rating of +60 in September 1998, or 3 months after he assumed the presidency.

Like Estrada, Aquino enjoyed a +60 net satisfaction rating in his first 3 months in office. He enjoyed high ratings until his numbers plunged to an all-time low of +11 in March 2015, attributed to the Mamasapano incident that took the lives of 44 Special Action Forces officers and 3 civilians.

5.      First to deliver his State of the Nation Address in Filipino

July 26, 2010, marked the first time that a president used the Filipino language for his SONA. Since 1935, all chief executives used English in addressing the public. First Philippine President Emilio Aguinaldo mainly used Spanish in his official statements.

Although then President Estrada also injected the occasional use of Filipino in his speeches, Aquino was the most consistent and did not divert from this tradition throughout his term.

Analysts lauded Aquino’s decision to use Filipino, which supposedly brought him closer to the people.

6.     First to be elected via automated elections

The presidential polls in 2010 also pioneered the automated election system in the country, which eventually put Aquino in the government’s top seat. Aquino garnered around 15 million votes. All prior elections were manually conducted, wherein voters had to write the names of officials on ballots.

The public has since elected officials by shading a circle next to the name of their chosen candidate. Ballots were then inserted into Precinct Count Optical Scanners, or PCOS machines. More than 82,000 PCOS machines that cost P7.9 billion were used.

7.     First to strictly enforce a no wang-wang policy

Public officials are usually criticized for using vehicle sirens and alarms (locally known as wang-wang as an imitation of its sound) to escape traffic. Aquino aimed to resolve this by declaring a “no wang wang” policy. This policy strengthens Presidential Decree No. 93 implemented in 1973, which declares “unlawful the use or attachment of sirens, bells, horns, whistles or similar gadgets….on motor vehicles.”

The decree excludes the president, vice president, Senate president, House speaker, chief justice, Philippine National Police, Armed Force of the Philippines, National Bureau of Investigation, Land Transportation Office, Bureau of Fire Protection, and ambulances.

In his first SONA, however, Aquino himself promised that he will set the example by not using a wang-wang no matter how bad the traffic is.

8.     Least number of appointees to the Supreme Court

Justices of the High Court are appointed by the president once vacancies open up, either by retirement, resignation, or death. The incumbent SC consists of 9 appointees of Arroyo, and only 6 appointed by Aquino. This ties Aquino with Estrada for having the least number of appointments to the SC, with only 6 out of 15 judges appointed, including CJ Sereno.

During her term, Arroyo appointed a total of 21 justices. Corazon Aquino had 23 appointments, including 4 CJs. Ramos, for his part, hand, had 14 appointments to the SC.

Aquino would have held the record alone if Associate Justice Martin Villarama did not resign at the start of the year. This prompted the President to make his final appointment of Justice Alfredo Caguioa on January 22, before the appointment ban on account of elections.

Duterte will have the power to appoint 11 justices, as majority are set to reach the retirement age of 70 within Duterte’s term from 2016 to 2022.

9.     Most number of bills vetoed

The president may veto a bill should he find some of its provisions questionable, provided that he gives a veto message to Congress citing reasons for doing so. Aquino killed a total of 80 bills within his 6-year term, the highest number since 1986. Ironically, Arroyo used her veto powers the least for 6 bills, despite serving the longest since the Marcos era.

Ramos vetoed a total of 51 bills, while Estrada junked 19 legislations within only 3 years in office. Meanwhile, Aquino’s mother struck down a total of 18 bills.

Most controversial among Aquino’s vetoes is his disapproval of the P2,000 hike for Social Security System pensioners (SSS). Aquino justified his veto by saying that the increase will lead to large annual deficits for SSS, which proponent Bayan Muna Representative Neri Colmenares disputed.

Other vetoed bills aimed to convert local roads to national roads, which would have cost the country millions of pesos if passed. (READ: Aquino: 80 bills rejected in 6 years)

Sources: Official Gazette of the Philippines, malacanang.gov.ph, sws.org.ph, congress.gov.ph

Arra B. Francia is a Rappler intern.

MANILA, Philippines – President-elect Rodrigo Duterte is keeping it simple for his inauguration ceremony on June 30. 

It will be held inside the Rizal Ceremonial Hall of the Malacañang Palace, where only about 500 people will be allowed to enter. 

The guest list will consist of members of Congress, the judiciary, the diplomatic corps, as well as Duterte’s family and friends. 

What's on the menu? Maruya (banana fritters) and buko juice.

“Finger foods [will be served] pero ‘yung maruya ‘yung pinaka-main dish dun. Finger foods, cocktails, at ‘yung cocktails naman, ‘yung inumin ay, if I’m not mistaken, ay buko juice,” incoming Presidential Communications Operations Office Secretary Martin Andanar told reporters on Wednesday evening, June 15. (READ: Duterte meets with Cabinet appointees in Manila)

(Finger foods will be served but the main dish will be banana fritters. There will be finger foods and cocktails, but if I’m not mistaken, the drink will be buko juice.) 

This is consistent with a previous statement from Duterte’s transition team, who said the incoming president’s inaguration ceremony will be “frugal.” 

Andanar said he is also assisting Davao City Administrator Jesus Melchor Quitain in drafting Duterte’s inaugural speech, though they have to finalize the language that the 16th President of the Philippines will use in his first address to the nation.  

Outgoing President Benigno Aquino III and former president Joseph Estrada delivered their inaugural addresses in Filipino. English was the language of choice of other chief executives.

Vice President-elect Leni Robredo and her guests, however, will not be part of the event. The Duterte camp said a separate inauguration would favor Robredo as she would be able to invite more guests.– Rappler.com

Who is Professor Jose David Lapuz, the man whose name has been floated to take over the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) under the administration of President-elect Rodrigo Duterte? Many of his former students have little love for him, it seems.

Ateneo de Davao University president Joel Tabora SJ wrote in his blog on Monday, June 13, that the Davao City mayor had designated Lapuz to head the body which covers public and private higher institutions in the Philippines.

That information, however, elicited reactions from individuals – especially from Lapuz’s former students.

A Facebook post by music and film producer Chris Cahilig called out the reported plan of the Davao City mayor. He said Filipino students “deserve better.”

His post, which has gone viral, detailed his experiences as a student under Lapuz at the University of Santo Tomas (UST). For example, Cahilig narrated, class discussions throughout the semester were mostly about Lapuz instead of national hero Jose Rizal – the subject of the course itself.

Other former UST students commented on Cahilig's post, sharing their own experiences in Lapuz's classes.

Showing signs of narcissism, the former Rizal and political science professor would also require them to collect newspaper clippings of his published press releases and columns, Cahilig added.

Duterte’s ‘beloved’ professor

The experiences of these former students, narrated through social media posts and comments, seem to be unlike what Duterte had experienced.

Lapuz was Duterte’s political science professor at the Lyceum of the Philippines University (LPU) in the 1960s. The president-elect graduated from the university in 1968 before entering law school.

The Davao City mayor’s admiration of Lapuz was apparent when he gave the floor to his former professor during his miting de avance on May 7 at the Quirino Grandstand. 

Lapuz, a University of the Philippines (UP) alumnus who now teaches at the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP), talked about his teaching career and how proud he was of a former student with a “brilliant mind” who took a shot at the presidency.

“Karangalan ko, sa tagal-tagal na pagtuturo ko, isang estudyante ko ay magiging president (It is an honor that in the long time that I’ve been teaching, a student will become president),” he said. “Pray Duterte will make it right.”

Meanwhile, in an open letter to the president-elect whom he described as the “embodiment and the very personification” of patriotic-nationalism, Lapuz expressed his gratefulness for the designation, which, according to him, is a realization of his dream since becoming a teacher in 1963.

He added that he would propose for the “vision of CHED” the “concepts of enlightened and illuminated nationalism in education.”

How about Licuanan?

Unlike other Cabinet appointees, Lapuz will be unable to take the CHED chairmanship at the same time Duterte assumes the presidency.

The term of incumbent chairperson Patricia Licuanan will not expire until 2018 as mandated by law. Republic Act No. 7722 states that a chairperson shall hold office for 4 years per term.

Licuanan was first appointed in 2010 by President Benigno Aquino III and was reappointed in 2014.

On June 6, Licuanan said that she expects to stay as CHED chairperson but acknowledges the unpredictability of the president-elect.

"I expect to [stay], but he's unpredictable at the moment. But I do have a term. So my term is over in 2018. Even if he appoints [someone], I will inform him nicely [that I have a term], and then sana nga (I hope) if he needs me, he will see that he'll be lucky to have me as [chair of CHED]," she told reporters.

Given these restrictions, can Lapuz wait or will Duterte have his way? – Jodesz Gavilan/Rappler.com

We’ve heard about various government officials – together with their families and friends – getting away with traffic violations. But it's not the case for incoming presidential son Paolo “Pulong” Duterte – not even in his family’s bailiwick.

The Davao City vice mayor posted on Facebook on Friday, June 17, a photo of a temporary operator’s permit (TOP) issued to him.

According to the Land Transportation Office (LTO) website, a TOP is used in apprehending drivers or operators caught violating traffic rules. In short, it is given once an officer confiscates a person’s driver’s license.

Based on the post of President-elect Rodrigo Duterte’s eldest child, he was apprehended for overspeeding along a highway near Barangay Bangkal in Davao City.

Executive Order No. 39, issued in 2013 by his own father, states that a person driving a motor vehicle on a highway “shall drive at a careful and prudent speed.” According to the elder Duterte, EO 39 was crafted as solution to the alarming increase in traffic accidents which were caused by reckless driving and speeding.

Duterte narrated that according to the officers, his speed of 57 kph was over the limit of 40 kph.

The Davao City vice mayor added that it was the first time he was apprehended for overspeeding and was only rushing home because his wife was already angry.

He, however, commended the action of the officers for strictly enforcing the traffic rules in the city where – his father would often say – no one is above the law.

"I was told the speed limit was 40 kph! It's bad to rush home for fear that your commander might get mad,” he wrote in Bisaya. “57 kph, so I was apprehended, it's fair for everyone, so, don't be afraid of your wives, thing is, be home. I admire the ambush at Bangkal."

Duterte children 'follow the law'

This is not the first time a Duterte offspring showed his or her “willingness” to follow the law.

In 2014, Sara Duterte-Carpio was flagged down by a traffic aide after she went beyond the speed limit on Quimpo Boulevard. The former Davao City mayor then apologized in a television interview for violating the traffic rule – or driving at 57 kph beyond the 40 kph speed limit. (READ: Only in Davao: Ex-mayor caught for speeding)

In 1999, meanwhile, Paolo was accused of mauling a hotel security guard. His father, then Davao City representative Rodrigo Duterte, said that he must face the consequences and urged the guard to file charges. However, ni charges were filed.

The older Duterte, meanwhile, submitted his resignation after this incident involving his son, but it was dismissed by then president Joseph Estrada.

Will the Duterte family remain unchanged in the next 6 years? – Rappler.com